本帖最后由 seven_nana 于 2025-4-2 20:13 编辑
日德兰纪念系列 - 军舰建造篇 - 第四章 - 英德造舰竞赛
本帖内容未经允许不得转载
主要参考资料：
From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow, Volume II - The War Years to the Eve of Jutland, 1914-1916, 作者Arthur J. Marder
The Papers of Admiral Sir John Fisher, Volume II（Publications of the Navy Records Society, Vol. 106），编辑P. K. Kemp
In Defence of Naval Supremacy: Finance, Technology, and British Naval Policy, 1889-1914，作者Jon Tetsuro Sumida
Sir John Fisher's Naval Revolution, 作者Nicholas A. Lambert
British Naval Policy 1913-1914 Financial Limitation and Strategic Revolution, 作者Nicholas A. Lambert
Sir John Fisher's Naval Revolution Reconsidered: Winston Churchill at the Admiralty, 1911-1914, 作者Christopher M. Bell
The Navy and German Power Politics, 1862-1914，作者Ivo Nikolai Lambi
'Luxury' Fleet: The Imperial German Navy, 1888-1918，作者Holger Herwig
The Grand Fleet: Warship Design and Development 1906-1922，作者D. K. Brown
The British Battleship 1906-1946，作者Norman Friedman
British Cruisers: Two World Wars and After，作者Norman Friedman
British Destroyers: From Earliest Days to the Second World War，作者Norman Friedman
British Submarines in Two World Wars，作者Norman Friedman
The Kaiser's Battlefleet: German Capital Ships 1871-1918，作者Aidan Dodson
German Battlecruisers of World War One: Their Design, Construction and Operations，作者Gary Staff
From Ironclads to Dreadnoughts: The Development of the German Navy 1864-1918，作者Dirk Nottelmann
The Development of the Small Cruiser in the Imperial German Navy，作者Dirk Nottelmann
Tirpitz and the Imperial German Navy，作者Patrick J. Kelly
The U-Boat，作者Eberhard Rössler
Jutland: An Analysis of the Fighting，作者John Campbell
The Battle of Jutland，作者John Brooks
在第一章 - 英国海军的两强标准中，我们已经介绍过，在19世纪末至20世纪初时，为了应对法俄两国的威胁，英国海军重新确立了两强标准，并建造了大量的战列舰和装甲巡洋舰，从而导致其海军军费水涨船高。在第二章 - 威廉二世、提尔皮茨、舰队法中，我们则介绍了威廉二世和提尔皮茨对德国海军带来的变化，其中最关键的因素，是提尔皮茨所推行的舰队法。在第三章 - 费舍尔与无畏舰革命中，我们则介绍了当时担任英国海军第一海务大臣的费舍尔，为了降低海军军费，所进行了大刀阔斧的改革。其中围绕军舰方面，他的核心措施是推出了具备全重炮设计的新式战列舰和新式装甲巡洋舰，即无畏舰革命。在本章中，我们将介绍一战前夕的英德造舰竞赛。
一、两强标准、无畏舰革命、舰队法、以及英德海军竞赛的关系
首先我们有必要理清一个问题，一战前夕的英德造舰竞赛，与两强标准、舰队法、以及无畏舰革命，互相之间有什么样的关系？
1、英国海军的两强标准，原本是针对法俄两国的，但在德国海军崛起之后，为了遏制其威胁，英国海军选择按最高标准（即两强有余）来执行两强标准（详见第三章 - 费舍尔与无畏舰革命）。
2、提尔皮茨所推行的海军法，则是专门针对英国海军的（详见第二章 - 威廉二世、提尔皮茨、舰队法）。
3、英国海军的无畏舰革命，初衷是为了降低日益高涨的海军军费（详见第三章 - 费舍尔与无畏舰革命）。
4、在1905年1月，应第一海务大臣（费舍尔）的要求，海军情报局长查尔斯·奥特利（Charles L. Ottley）、副局长乔治·巴拉德（George A. Ballard）等人，对英国海军与德法俄三国海军之间的实力差异，进行了评估（此时旅顺围城战已经结束，俄国太平洋舰队已几乎损失殆尽，因此相比开战之前，俄国海军的整体实力已有较大程度的下滑）。
为了维持海军力量上的平衡，在过去的多年间，我们一直沿用的政策是：英国海军的实力，必须能同时应对任意两个其他国家的海军。这个建军标准，得到了我国政坛上的两个党派（当时是保守党和自由党）的共同认可，并且在过去的近20年间，在维护欧洲国家间的和平上起到了重要的作用。
另一方面，两强标准，从来不意味着严格意义上的数量均等。无论是过去还是现今的经验都表明，但凡想要快速高效地结束海上战争，数量上的优势就是必不可少的。
因此，两强标准的合理的定义，是英国海军的实力，应当足以让我们像历史上的先辈们那样，在面对任意两个结盟的国家时，能够有较好的取得胜利的机会。
上一任海军情报局长（巴腾堡的路易斯）所负责的特别委员会，在其提交的报告中给出的建议是：在同时面对法俄两国或德俄两国时，我们都应在战列舰上占据至少10%的优势，同时在装甲巡洋舰上占据2:1的优势。
基于目前的情况来看，在战列舰方面，我国海军的实力是达到了两强标准的。假设一等战列舰、二等战列舰、三等战列舰的实力分别相当于1、½、¼，那么英国的战列舰实力是46，法俄两国之和是32¼，德俄两国之和是32，德法两国之和是34¼。
从以上数据来看，我们的战列舰实力是满足国防需求的，但我们也不能高枕无忧。在我们与法、俄、德三国中的任意两国进行对抗，而剩下的那个国家则并未与前两者结盟的情况下，这第三个国家可能会出于自身的动机，对我们提出非分的索求，例如英国势力撤出埃及、或撤出南非等。在这种情况下，我们就相当于要同时对抗这三个国家，此时英国的战列舰实力依旧是46，而法俄德三国之和则是49½。
在这种情况下，我们不仅不能在战列舰实力上占据至少10%的优势，即比对方多5艘战列舰，反而要比对方少3艘战列舰。显然，这种局面对英国是十分不利的。
如果说在战列舰方面，我们需要有一定的数量优势的话，那么在装甲巡洋舰方面，我们则需要更大的数量优势。我们之所以需要建造大量的装甲巡洋舰，主要是迫于应对其他国家所建造的大量同类舰艇的威胁。由于这类军舰能够对我国的海上贸易造成严重威胁，且我国的海上贸易规模非常之大，因此为了对抗这种威胁，我们需要建造特别多的巡洋舰。所以，针对巡洋舰的两强标准，一直以来都是有别于针对战列舰的两强标准的。对于巡洋舰，我们需要的是非常大的数量优势。
假设一等装甲巡洋舰、二等装甲巡洋舰的实力分别相当于1、¾，那么英国的装甲巡洋舰实力是27½，法俄两国之和是19¼，德俄两国之和是8¾，德法两国之和是18½，法俄德三国之和是23¼。
从以上数据来看，除了德俄之和实力较弱之外，在面对其他国家的组合时，我们的实力都远远达不到2:1的优势。
在1905年6月，即对马海战结束之后，该报告中的数据得到了修正（此战中，俄国第二太平洋舰队全军覆没，导致俄国海军元气大伤）。
当前，各国已建成的战列舰实力对比是：英国46，法俄两国之和23，德俄两国之和22¾，德法两国之和34¾，法俄德三国之和是40¼。
由此来看，如果当下爆发战争，那么即便面对法俄德三国，我们也会在战列舰实力上占据10%的优势，即能够满足上一任海军情报局长（巴腾堡的路易斯）所负责的特别委员会，在其提交的报告中给出的建议。
至于装甲巡洋舰，各国当下的实力分别是：英国27½，法俄两国之和17，德俄两国之和6½，德法两国之和18½，法俄德三国之和21。
结论：在费舍尔开展无畏舰革命的同时，由于德国海军的规模在过去数年间得到了快速增长，而俄国海军则在日俄战争中大受损伤，导致规模大不如前。在这些因素的影响下，英国海军的两强标准，从先前的主要针对法俄两国，逐渐调整为针对法俄德三国中的任意两国。
二、战列舰与装甲巡洋舰/战列巡洋舰：从两强标准到对德六成优势
接下来，我们将会对英德海军竞赛的过程做出具体介绍。总体来看，这场竞争主要是围绕着战列舰和装甲巡洋舰/战列巡洋舰开展的。
在具体介绍这些军舰之前，首先有必要理清一下名称背后概念。战列巡洋舰这个词，是在1911年时才被英国海军正式采用的，在此之前，这些军舰依然是被称为装甲巡洋舰的（具体详见此链接）。至于德国海军的同类军舰，尽管通常也会被称为战列巡洋舰，但其正式名称是大型巡洋舰。
1、在前无畏舰时代，由于德国海军起步较晚，因此其战列舰和装甲巡洋舰的建造规模，是远不如英国海军的。根据John Brooks的说法（The Battle of Jutland, P.1-3）：
The first two ships of the Majestic class, authorised as part of the programme for the financial year 1893-94, established the characteristics of the British battleships for the next ten years: a primary armament of four 12in guns in two centre-line turrets, a secondary broadside battery of twelve 6in, an anti-torpedo-boat armament of 12pdr guns and, in the main, a speed of 18 knots. Up to the programme of 1900-01, twenty-nine vessels of this type had been authorised. They were followed for the next three programme years by the eight battleships of the King Edward VII class, which mounted 4-12in and 4-9.2in in turrets and also 10-6in and 14-12pdr. The two Lord Nelsons for 1904-05 reverted to three calibres: 4-12in, 10-9.2in in turrets and 24-12pdr. By the end of the programme year 1904-05, thirty-nine of these battleships (which would soon be known as ‘pre-dreadnoughts’) had been authorised. Beginning with the six Cresseys of the 1897-98 programme, thirty-five British armoured cruisers were authorised by the end of 1904-05.
在1893-94财年时，英国海军订购了最早的2艘威严级战列舰，她们奠定了后续10年间的英国战列舰设计的基本特征：4门12英寸主炮、12门6英寸副炮、12磅反雷击火炮、最大航速18节左右。截止至1900-01财年，英国海军总共建造了29艘这样的战列舰。在接下来的3年里，他们又建造了8艘爱德华七世级战列舰，她们配备有4门12英寸主炮、4门9.2英寸中间口径火炮、10门6英寸副炮、14门12磅反雷击火炮。1904-05财年时建造的纳尔逊勋爵级，则将火炮口径重新减少至3种：4门12英寸主炮、10门9.2英寸中间口径火炮、24门12磅反雷击火炮。截止至1904-05财年，上述这些战列舰，英国海军总共建造了39艘，很快她们都将被统称为前无畏舰。另外，自1897-98财年的克雷西级起，英国海军开始建造装甲巡洋舰。截止至1904-05财年为止，他们总共建造了35艘装甲巡洋舰。
Between 1894-95 and 1900-01, Germany authorised the construction of five each of the Kaiser Friedrich III and Wittelsbach classes. Compared with foreign pre-dreadnoughts , they were as well protected while, although their turret guns were of only 24cm (9.4in) calibre, they were quick-firers (QF); they also had a heavier secondary battery of 18-15cm (5.9in). In the same period, Germany also laid down three armoured cruisers. Five battleships each of the Braunschweig and Deutschland classes were authorised in the years between 1901-02 and 1905-06, together with a further five armoured cruisers. In these last two pre-dreadnought battleship classes, the turret gun calibre was increased to 28cm (11in) (also QF) and the heavier secondary battery mounted 14-17cm (6.7in).
在1894-95至1900-01财年间，德国海军建造了5艘腓特烈三世级战列舰，接着又建造了5艘维特尔斯巴赫级战列舰。与其他国家的战列舰设计相比，这些军舰的防护水准并不差，但其主炮口径仅为只24cm，不过区别在于，这些火炮是速射炮。此外，她们还配备了更为强大的副炮火力：18门15cm火炮。同一时期，德国海军还建造了3艘装甲巡洋舰。接下来，在1901-02至1905-06财年间，他们又建造了5艘布伦瑞克级战列舰和5艘德意志级战列舰，这两型军舰的主炮口径提升到了28cm（依然是速射炮），同时依旧具备强大的副炮火力：14门17cm火炮。除此之外，他们还建造了5艘装甲巡洋舰。
Thus between Britain and Germany, the final numerical ratios were 39:20 for pre-dreadnoughts and 35:8 for armoured cruisers.
因此，在前无畏舰方面，英德两国的数量对比是39比20（英国方面未计入一战爆发时已经退役的8艘君权级、2艘百夫长级、1艘声望号，以及原本是外贸舰的2艘敏捷级；德国方面未计入老旧的勃兰登堡级）；在装甲巡洋舰方面，英德两国的数量对比是35比8。
2、在英国海军开展无畏舰革命的同时，法俄两国海军却没能及时跟上这场技术变革。与此同时，在1904-1905年间的日俄战争中，俄国海军的实力又遭到了严重削弱。于是，英国海军的主要对手，由法俄两国变成了德国。根据Jon Tetsuro Sumida的说法（In Defence of Naval Supremacy: Finance, Technology, and British Naval Policy, 1889-1914, P.111-112 & P.158-159）：
The all-big-gun battleship H.M.S. Dreadnought was laid down on 21 October 1905...The three all-big-gun armoured cruisers of the Invincible class were laid down in the spring of 1906.
采用全重炮设计的无畏号战列舰，是1905年10月21日开工建造的。另外3艘采用全重炮设计的无敌级装甲巡洋舰，则是在1906年春天时开工建造的。
Other naval powers were slow to respond with equivalent vessels of their own for technical and financial reasons. France did not lay down any battleships in 1904, 1905 or 1906, and while the class of five battleships begun in 1907 and 1908, they retained a mixed-caliber armament. Russia did not lay down any new battleships between 1905 and 1909...The threat that had been posed by the combined naval might of France and Russia since the 1880s, was substantially diminished by the heavy Russian naval losses in the Far East in 1904 and 1905, which left Germany as Britain’s principal naval rival.
受制于技术及财政上的因素，其他国家的海军，未能对无畏舰革命做出快速响应。其中，法国海军在1904-06年间，并未建造任何战列舰，且其在1907-08年间建造的5艘战列舰，都不是全重炮设计的（而是准无畏舰）。俄国海军则是在1906-08年间，未曾建造战列舰。除此之外，由于俄国海军在1904-05年间的日俄战争中损失惨重，因此从1880年代以来持续存在的法俄同盟的海军威胁，自此大幅度降低了。在此情况下，德国海军成为了英国海军的主要对手。
3、在1906至1909年间，由于英国海军的实力，相比于法俄德等国拥有很大的优势，因此其每年新建造的军舰数量有所下降。根据Jon Tetsuro Sumida的说法（In Defence of Naval Supremacy: Finance, Technology, and British Naval Policy, 1889-1914, P.113）：
The delays in foreign battleship building programs, which came on top of the heavy Russian losses in the Far East, enabled Britain to lay down fewer all-big-gun battleships and armoured cruisers. Three slightly improved Dreadnoughts were laid down under the 1906-07 estimates, three more essentially similar vessels were ordered under the 1907-08 estimates and only one somewhat improved battleship and one slightly improved armoured cruiser were laid down under the 1908-09 estimates.
俄国海军实力的大幅下滑，以及各国的战列舰建造工作的延迟，使得英国在进入全重炮时代后，可以少建造一些战列舰和装甲巡洋舰。在1906-07财年时，他们建造了3艘小改款的无畏舰（柏勒洛丰级，主要区别是上层建筑布局、防护设计、以及反雷击火炮口径有所调整）。在1907-08财年时，他们又建造了3艘类似的军舰（圣文森特级，主要区别是主炮倍径从45倍增至50倍，防护设计有所改动）。在1908-09财年时，他们则只建造了1艘战列舰和1艘装甲巡洋舰，且与之前的军舰相比，两者的设计都只是略有改动（战列舰是尼普顿号，主要区别是主炮布局有所调整，舯部炮塔改为斜向布置；装甲巡洋舰是不倦级，主要区别是上层建筑布局调整、舯部炮塔的布置间距更大）。
As a consequence, the £8.4 million spent on battleship and armoured cruiser construction in fiscal year 1905-06 fell to £7.9 million in 1906-07, to £6.5 million in 1907-08 and to no more than £5.5 million in 1908-09. As a result of these reductions and those achieved through Fisher’s administrative reforms, and in spite of rising costs in other areas, the net naval estimates of 1906-07, 1907-08 and 1908-09 were kept between £31 and £32 million, which was £5 million less per year than the peak of £36.9 million that had been reached in fiscal year 1904-05.
其结果是，在1905-06财年时，英国海军在战列舰和装甲巡洋舰的建造上，花费了840万英镑，但在1906-07财年、1907-08财年、以及1908-09财年时，花费降低为790万英镑、650万英镑、以及不到550万英镑。尽管在其他的一些领域，英国海军花费了比以往更多的经费，但在造舰费用下降、以及费舍尔的其他行政改革手段的作用下，1906-07财年、1907-08财年、以及1908-09财年的海军军费，都控制在了3100万到3200万英镑之间。换句话说，相比于1904-05年时的3690万英镑的峰值水准，每年的海军军费减少了大约500万英镑。
4、另一方面，在新的国际形势下，两强标准本身，也遭到了财政大臣的挑战。根据Nicholas A. Lambert的说法（Sir John Fisher's Naval Revolution, P.129 & P.132）：
In early May 1906, the chancellor of the Exchequer resolved to scrutinize the naval budget...It was Asquith’s contention that since the signing of the Entente with France and the annihilation of the Russian fleet in the Russo-Japanese War, Britain’s two-power naval standard was no longer an appropriate yardstick by which to measure the strength of the Royal Navy and thus needed to be “revised.” He was careful not to propose an outright renunciation of the standard. The chancellor realized that plotting such a course would involve political dangers.
在1906年5月初时，财政大臣决定要对海军预算进行详细审查。在赫伯特·亨利·阿斯奎斯（当时担任财政大臣，后来成为英国首相）看来，由于英法两国已经在1904年时签订了英法协约，而俄国海军又在日俄战争中遭到重创，因此两强标准，已经不再适合作为衡量英国海军实力的标杆了。换句话说，英国海军的建军标准需要得到修改。但为了避免政治上的风险，他并未直接宣称要放弃两强标准。
The essence of Asquith’s argument for revision was that a naval standard, which required Britain to build against “the two most powerful navies in the world,” was too rigid. He acknowledged that when France and Russia had been the second and third-ranking naval powers the standard had made sense. Since Germany’s promotion to the rank of third-ranking naval power in May 1905, however, the Royal Navy had been striving to overmatch the battle fleets of France and Germany. “Is it reasonable,” the chancellor asked of his colleagues, “to expect us to build a combination of that character, in the whole sphere of speculative politics by far the most improbable that can be conceived?”
阿斯奎斯之所以想要修改海军的建军标准，其核心论据是，以第二和第三强海军的实力之和作为英国海军的建军标准，过于死板了。他承认，在法俄两国位居世界第二和第三海军强国之时，这种建军标准是有意义的。但自1905年5月起（即对马海战结束后），德国已经超越了俄国，成为了第三海军强国，此后英国海军就一直以德法两国的海军实力之和作为建军标准。这位财政大臣，向他的同僚们发问道：“法德两国，是最不可能形成同盟的两个国家，在此情况下，以这两个国家作为海军建设的标准，这样真的合理吗？”
5、在1907年时，英国曾试图就海军建设问题，与德国进行谈判，但并未取得实质性结果。根据Norman Friedman的说法（The British Battleship 1906-1946）：
A Peace Conference was to convene at the Hague in 1907. In hopes that a general understanding might be arrived at among the sea powers. No understanding was reached...The British naval attaché in Berlin reported that the Germans refused to contemplate any change in their Navy Laws, claiming that any agreement would freeze them in a position of gross inferiority. Their press published claims that the British had a preposterously large margin of superiority. That was true of bare numbers of capital ships. However, if indeed Dreadnought and Invincible had made all existing capital ships obsolete, the British had given up their previous margin. If the Germans built aggressively enough, they might, it seemed, achieve superiority in this key type of ship.
1907年时，各国在海牙举办了一次和平会议。英国方面期望，能在这次会议上，就海军建设规模问题与各国达成共识。然而，他们并未如愿。驻柏林的英国海军武官汇报说，德国拒绝对舰队法做出调整，并声称与英国达成的任何协定，都会导致他们在海军实力上处于明显的劣势。德国媒体则发表文章称，英国海军的实力优势，已经巨大到不合理的地步了。如果单从总体数量来看，这个论点的确是站得住脚的，但考虑到以无畏号和无敌级为代表的新式设计，在实力上远超之前的主力舰，因此英国海军在此前建立起的优势，实际上被他们自己给放弃了。如果德国海军此后积极建造无畏舰，那么他们甚至有可能在这类军舰上占据数量优势。
6、另一方面，尽管德国海军开始建造无畏舰的时间要晚于英国海军，但他们的追赶步伐却很快。根据John Brooks的说法（The Battle of Jutland, P.8）：
Because of the time required to produce the radically new designs, no German capital ships were actually laid down in 1906 but, between June and August 1907, all four Nassau-class battleships were started. Armoured cruiser Blücher was built with twelve 8.3in guns arranged as in the Nassaus. Germany’s first ‘battlecruiser’, Von der Tann of the 1907-08 programme, were fast battleships by British standards of protection. She was the first German capital ship powered by turbines for a design speed of 24.75 knots.
由于准备全新的设计需要花费大量时间，因此在1906年时，德国海军实际并未建造主力舰，但在1907年6-8月间，他们开工了4艘拿骚级战列舰。同年建造的布吕歇尔号装甲巡洋舰，尽管火炮布局与拿骚级类似，但只配备了21cm火炮。德国海军的第1艘战列巡洋舰，是1907-08财年的冯·德·坦恩号。以英国海军的防护标准而言，该舰实际属于快速战列舰。另外，冯·德·坦恩号还是第1艘配备蒸汽轮机的德国主力舰，其设计航速为24.75节。
The first three battleships of the Helgoland class, laid down for 1908-09, were the first German dreadnoughts with 12in guns. The six turrets were arranged as in the Nassaus. Although the Helgolands still had reciprocating engines, they were designed for 20.5 knots, a performance that could only be obtained by an increase in displacement of almost 4,000 tons over the Nassaus. In 1909-10, Germany began a fourth Helgoland and the first two ships of the Kaiser class; another three Kaisers followed in 1910-11. The new class were the first German battleships driven by turbines, which gave them a design speed of 21 knots. They mounted ten 12in guns in three centre-line turrets, the after pair arranged for superfiring; the two amidships turrets were positioned en échelon. Their armour, with a maximum thickness of 13.8in, established a standard of protection that would never be matched by British dreadnought battleships but these advances required a further displacement increase of almost 2,000 tons. In the König class, of which the first three were built under the programme for 1911-12, all turrets were on the centre line, for the first time allowing the full main armament to fire without restriction on either broadside.
赫尔格兰级，是德国海军第一型配备30.5cm火炮的战列舰，但其炮塔数量与布局则与拿骚级保持一致（六座炮塔，六边形布局）。赫尔格兰级的动力系统，仍然采用的是往复式蒸汽机，不过设计航速提高到了20.5节。相对应的，其排水量相比拿骚级增长了4,000吨。该级的前3艘军舰，是在1908-09财年时开工建造的。在1909-10财年时，德国海军建造了第4艘赫尔格兰级，同时又建造了2艘皇帝级战列舰。至于另外3艘皇帝级，则是在1910-11财年时建造的。皇帝级是德国海军最早的采用蒸汽轮机的战列舰，其设计航速达到了21节。在炮塔布局方面，该级也有所调整，她们总共配备有10门30.5cm火炮：中轴线上布置了三座炮塔，其中舰艉的两座炮塔采用了背负式布局，而舯部则布置了两座呈斜向布局的炮塔。在防护方面，该级的装甲厚度最高可达350mm，确立了德国战列舰在防护水准方面的新标杆。作为对比，一战时期的英国战列舰，则从未配备过如此厚度的装甲。不过，相比于赫尔格兰级，皇帝级的排水量又增加了近2,000吨。在1911-12财年时，德国海军建造了3艘国王级战列舰，该级的所有炮塔都是布置在中轴线上的，是德国海军第一型所有主炮都能不受阻碍地向左右两舷开火的战列舰。
Germany laid down three battlecruisers in the three years 1908-11. Like Von der Tann, they were all turbine-powered and they were protected almost as well as contemporary British battleships. They retained the 11in gun but mounted ten of them, the extra two in a superfiring turret aft; the two turrets amidships were en échelon, as in Von der Tann and the Kaisers. The last of the three, Seydlitz, was, at 26.5 knots, a knot faster than Moltke and Goeben and her armour more than an inch thicker. She was followed in 1911-12 by Derfflinger; she had similar protection and the same speed, but mounted eight 12in guns, all on the centre line.
在1908-11年间，德国海军还建造了3艘战列巡洋舰。与冯·德·坦恩号一样，这些军舰也是由蒸汽轮机驱动的，并且其防护水准也都达到了几乎等同于英国战列舰的程度。这3艘军舰配备的仍然是28cm火炮，但数量提升到了10门，多出来的2门位于舰艉的背负式炮塔上。舯部的两座炮塔则采用斜向布置，与冯·德·坦恩级或皇帝级相同。在这3艘战列巡洋舰中，建造时间最晚的塞德里茨号，在动力及防护上都要优于建造时间较早的毛齐号和戈本号——前者的设计航速达到了26.5节，并且具备更厚的装甲。在1911-12财年时，德国海军又建造了德尔弗林格号战列巡洋舰，该舰的防护和动力水准与塞德里茨号大致相当，但搭载了8门30.5cm火炮，且都布置在中轴线上。
7、由于英国海军在1906-09年间放缓了造舰速度，但德国海军却并未放缓速度，因此至1909年时，英国人明显地感受到了威胁。根据Norman Friedman的说法（The British Battleship 1906-1946）：
As early as 1906 DNI had pointed out that the standard of naval strength was no longer simply the number of battleships, but rather the new type of dreadnought battleship. In DNI’s view, although the situation was so favourable in 1906 that the annual programme could and should be cut, from 1909 onwards it would worsen.
早在1906年时，英国海军情报局长就指出过，海军实力的衡量标准，不再是以战列舰数量来计算了，而是要计算无畏舰的数量。在他看来，尽管在1906年时，局势有利于英国，因此他们可以缩减每年的造舰规划，但从1909年起，局势就会恶化。
In December 1907 First Lord Tweedmouth pointed out that although for the moment the British position was sound, in 1909 they might find themselves forced to shift to a five-ship annual programme. The following year rumours that the Germans were not merely catching up with the British but might surpass them energised politicians and the public. At about the same time reform in government finances provided the resources for larger-scale construction.
在1907年12月时，时任海军大臣的第二代特威德茅斯男爵则指出，尽管在当前来看，英国海军占据了领先地位，但到1909年时，若想继续维持领先地位，可能就得每年造舰5艘主力舰。至1908年时，开始有传言说，德国海军不仅仅是想要追赶英国海军，甚至有可能想要超越英国海军。这引起了政客和公众的注意力。另外，在这一时期，政府进行了财政改革，因此英国海军重新具备了建造大量主力舰的前提条件。
The 1909-10 programme began with the same three armoured ships as in the past: two battleships and one battlecruiser. About April 1909 a battleship was added. By August 1909 there was a four-ship Contingency (supplemental) Programme, consisting of three battleships and one cruiser...The new programme was eventually shaped by the popular cry that ‘We want eight; we won’t wait’.
1909-10财年的造舰计划，起初只包括3艘主力舰，其中2艘是战列舰，1艘是战列巡洋舰。这个造舰规模，与以往几年是差不多的。但在1909年4月前后，又增加了1艘战列舰。至1909年8月时，又额外增加了一个应急的补充造舰计划，包括了4艘主力舰，其中3艘是战列舰，1艘是战列巡洋舰。之所以会有这个补充计划，主要是为了响应当时英国社会上传播甚广的“我们要八艘，我们不会等”的呼声。
Prime Minister Asquith engineered a compromise between the arms control advocates of his party and those demanding a much larger programme. He offered an initial four-ship programme plus a contingent four-ship programme, to be executed if there was evidence of rapid German construction. He told the Admiralty and its supporters that they could probably get the contingent ships. Although evidence of rapid German construction was derided by some, Asquith felt compelled to approve the contingent programme, hence the eight ships in the final 1909-10 Estimates.
这个补充造舰计划，是时任英国首相阿斯奎斯所提出的。一方面，他需要面临自由党内部的呼吁进行军备控制的声音；另一方面，他还要面对其他人提出的更大规模的造舰计划的设想。在此情况下，这位首相提出了一种妥协方案：先建造4艘主力舰，如果有证据表明德国海军在加速建造主力舰，那么就会通过补充造舰计划，再建造4艘主力舰。在提出这个计划时，首相告诉海军部及海军的支持者，他们很可能会得到那些补充造舰计划中的军舰。对于德国海军加速建造的证据，尽管有人嗤之以鼻，但阿斯奎斯还是认为，他有必要批准这个计划，因此在1909-10财年时，英国海军获得了8艘主力舰。
8、为了对抗德国海军的威胁，在1909-1912年间，英国海军的造舰规模有了很大的提高，并且还确立了新的海军建设标准。根据John Brooks的说法（The Battle of Jutland, P.14-16）：
In April 1909, the Controller, John Jellicoe, first proposed that a much simpler standard (though one that would not be made public until 1912) would be for Britain to aim for a 60% margin in dreadnoughts over Germany alone. By this criterion, the large programme of 1909-10 was clearly only the beginning. In terms of dreadnoughts laid down, the small programme of 1908-09 had allowed the margin to plummet to only 33%; the 14% margin in battleships alone was even narrower. The 1909-10 programme would only increase the margin to 54% while, if Germany did no more than adhere to her announced plans, by the end of 1911-12, Britain would need to lay down a further thirteen dreadnoughts to pass the 60% margin.
在1909年4月时，时任第三海务大臣的约翰·杰里科（即日德兰海战时的大舰队总司令），首次提出了一个比两强标准简单得多的海军实力衡量标准：相比于德国海军，英国海军应在无畏舰数量上具备60%的优势。不过，直到1912年时，这个标准才被公诸于世。按照这种衡量标准，1909-10财年的庞大的造舰计划，仅仅是个开端。由于1908-09年的造舰规模太小，因此以无畏舰的建造数量而论，英国海军只具备33%的优势，且在战列舰方面只有14%的优势。1909-10财年的造舰计划，也仅仅是将优势提升到了54%。另外，如果德国海军根据舰队法中规定的节奏开展建造工作的话，那么到截至至1911-12财年结束之时，英国海军还需要再开工13艘无畏舰，才能实现60%的数量优势。
Hercules and Colossus, the first two battleships of the new British programme, were laid down in July 1909. The later ships were considerably more powerful, not least because they would mount the heavier 13.5in gun. The battleship Orion, laid down in November 1909, carried ten of them in five centre-line turrets. Her lower belt was an inch thicker than her predecessors and she also had an 8in armour strake between the main and upper deck. However, her speed remained at 21 knots. The battlecruiser Lion was laid down in September 1909. Whereas previous battlecruisers had displaced slightly less than their battleship contemporaries, Lion was almost 4,000 tons heavier than Orion; she also cost 10% more than the battleship and 36% more than her predecessor, Indefatigable. She carried eight 13.5in guns in four centre-line turrets and was designed for 28 knots. Her protection was a significant improvement on the first generation of British battlecruisers. The ‘footnote four’ were laid down at the very beginning of the next programme year: three more Orions in April 1910 and the battlecruiser Princess Royal in May.
在1909年造舰计划中，最早建造的2艘军舰，是7月时开工的2艘巨像级战列舰。而另外6艘军舰，则配备有13.5英寸火炮，因此在实力上提升了一大截。1909年11月开工的俄里翁号战列舰，在中轴线上搭载了10门13.5英寸火炮，其主装甲带的厚度达到12英寸（巨像级为11英寸），并且还主甲板和上甲板之间增设了一道8英寸的上部装甲带（巨像级此处无装甲），但最大航速仍旧维持在21节不变。1909年9月开工的狮号战列巡洋舰，更是1艘前所未闻的巨舰：其排水量，要比俄里翁级多出了将近4,000吨。相比之下，此前的战列巡洋舰，排水量则要比同时代的战列舰略小一些。狮号的造价也是非常高的，相比俄里翁级高出10%，相比不倦号战列巡洋舰则高出了36%。狮号的中轴线上搭载有8门13.5英寸火炮，其防护水准相比第一代英国战列巡洋舰有了显著提升，设计航速也提高到了28节。补充造舰计划的那4艘军舰，则分别是3艘俄里翁级战列舰和1艘长公主号战列巡洋舰，但她们实际要到下一年才开工建造。
After Fisher retired from the Admiralty in January 1910, the Board agreed to programmes of four battleships and one battlecruiser in each of the next two years, although this would only increase the British margin over Germany in dreadnoughts laid down to 43%. However, in June 1910, two more battlecruisers, to be called Australia and New Zealand after the dominions that would pay for them, were laid down. In design, they were little different from the Indefatigable. But Australia was built to be the flagship of the Royal Australian Navy. At first, New Zealand was also intended for service in eastern waters but, upon her completion in 1912, she was presented to the Royal Navy. Yet, even if both ships are counted, the British dreadnought margin was no more than 52%.
1910年1月时，费舍尔离开了海军部。此后，海军部委员会批准，在接下来2年内，每年都会建造4艘战列舰和1艘战列巡洋舰。但即便如此，相比于德国海军，英国海军的无畏舰数量，也只会达到43%。不过在1910年6月时，他们又额外建造了2艘战列巡洋舰，分别是澳大利亚号和新西兰号。这2艘军舰是由自治领出资建造的，其设计与不倦号大致相同。其中，澳大利亚号将会担任澳大利亚海军的旗舰。而新西兰号，尽管一开始也打算部署至亚太区域，但在该舰于1912年完工之时，新西兰政府将其赠送给了英国海军。不过，即便将这2艘军舰都算上，英国海军在无畏舰方面的优势，也不过只有52%。
Four battleships of the King George V class and the battlecruiser Queen Mary were built under the 1910-11 programme. The 1911-12 dreadnoughts were the four Iron Duke battleships and the battlecruiser Tiger. In them, the 4in anti-torpedo-boat guns mounted in the superstructure were replaced by batteries of 6in guns in casemates.
在1910-11财年时，英国海军建造了4艘乔治五世级战列舰和1艘玛丽王后号战列巡洋舰。1911-12财年的造舰规划，则包括4艘铁公爵级战列舰和1艘虎号战列巡洋舰。这5艘军舰配备有6英寸火炮，而先前的主力舰配备的则是4英寸火炮，并且这些火炮的安装位置也是有所不同的——前者是安装在炮廓中的，而后者则是安装在上层建筑中的。
9、至1912年时，英国海军正式确立了以对德六成优势，作为其海军建设标准。根据John Brooks的说法（The Battle of Jutland, P.18-20）：
From 1909-10 onwards, the large British programmes left no doubt that the country had both the will and the financial and industrial resources to overmatch Germany. On 18 March 1912, Churchill, in his first speech to Parliament on the naval estimates as First Lord, publicly acknowledged that British policy aimed at a 60% margin over Germany. On 18 July, Parliament was informed that the British six year programme would be 4:5:4:4:4:4; without counting Australia, by 1917-18, Britain would have laid down fifty-six dreadnoughts to Germany’s thirty-five, a British margin of exactly 60%.
自1909-10财年起，英国海军的造舰规模一直很大，这无疑表明，英国既有意愿，也有足够的财政和工业实力，来打赢这场针对德国的造舰竞赛。1912年3月18日时，时任海军大臣温斯顿·丘吉尔，在其上任后首次于议会发表讲话时，就公开宣称，英国的建军政策，是要确立对德六成优势。至7月18日时，议会被告知，在接下来的六年间，英国海军分别会建造4艘、5艘、4艘、4艘、4艘、4艘主力舰。如果不计入澳大利亚号的话，那么到1917-18财年时，英国将会建造56艘无畏舰，而德国则会建造35艘，即英国刚好能达到60%的数量优势。
In 1912-13 Britain laid down the four fast battleships of the Queen Elizabeth class, armed with eight 15in guns and fourteen 6in. They were fuelled only by oil; it was hoped that they would reach 25 knots on overload power, but their best speed in service was 24 knots. At the end of 1912, the Federated Malay States undertook to pay for a fifth battleship of the Queen Elizabeth class; Malaya would be laid down in May 1913.
在1912-13财年时，英国海军建造了4艘伊丽莎白女王级快速战列舰，她们搭载有8门15英寸主炮和14门6英寸副炮，且完全依靠燃油作为动力来源。英国海军期望这些军舰能在过载状态下达到25节航速，但实际最高只能达到24节。至1912年底时，马来联邦又赞助建造了第5艘伊丽莎白女王级，该舰被命名为马来亚号，于1913年5月开工建造。
In his speech on the 1913-14 estimates on 26 March 1913, Churchill announced that the programme would include five new battleships. These became the Revenge class, of which Revenge herself and Royal Oak would be completed in time for Jutland. Like the Queen Elizabeths, they mounted eight 15in guns, but were designed for 21 knots and, initially, it was intended that they would revert to mixed coal and oil firing...Continuing the adherence to the six-year programme announced in 1912, the initial estimates for 1914-15 included three more Revenge-class battleships and one fast battleship, an improved version of the Queen Elizabeth class to be called Agincourt. However, by the outbreak of the War, two ships, one of them Agincourt, were cancelled.
在1913年3月26日时，丘吉尔表示，当年的造舰计划会包含5艘新的战列舰。这些便是复仇级战列舰，其中复仇号和皇家橡树号完工时间最早，因此得以参加了日德兰海战。与伊丽莎白女王级一样，复仇级也配备有15英寸主炮，但由于起初是按照油煤混烧动力设计的，因此其设计航速只有21节。按照1912年时拟定的规划，1914-15财年的造舰项目，也会有4艘战列舰，其中3艘是复仇级，还有1艘是改进版的伊丽莎白女王级快速战列舰，并且将被命名为阿金库尔号。然而，当大战爆发后，有2艘军舰的造舰计划被取消了，其中有1艘就是阿金库尔号。
When Fisher returned as First Sea Lord in October 1914, he insisted that the five Revenge-class battleships, already under construction, should be converted for oil firing only, and that the two suspended ships, already named Renown and Repulse, should be built rapidly as 32-knot battlecruisers with six 15in guns and armour no thicker than that in the Invincibles. Fortunately, neither ship was completed in time to face German battlecruisers at Jutland.
1914年10月时，费舍尔再度返回海军部担任第一海务大臣。他坚持要将5艘复仇级战列舰，更改为全燃油动力（因此航速也提升到了23节），并且要还将2艘未被取消的战列舰，即声望号和反击号，改建为战列巡洋舰——这些军舰将配备6门15英寸火炮，航速高达32节，但装甲厚度却仅与无敌级相当。幸好，这2艘军舰未能赶上日德兰海战，因此没有与德国战列巡洋舰进行对决。
10、另一方面，自1912年起，由于德国陆军的军费开始激增，因此德国海军开始跟不上英国海军的造舰节奏了。根据Norman Friedman（The British Battleship 1906-1946）和John Brooks（The Battle of Jutland, P.18-19）的说法：
In 1912 the British naval attaché reported that the Germans were no longer able to compete. Until then German naval spending matched or even exceeded spending on the army. From 1912 on, however, the army expanded enormously on the basis of a formal decision that year to be ready to fight in eighteen months, nominally against Russia. The German naval programme was no longer affordable, whatever the Navy Laws might say.
至1912年时，驻德国的英国武官汇报称，德国人无力再继续造舰竞赛了。截止至1912年为止，德国海军的军费都是非常高的，达到甚至超过了陆军的水准。但从1912年起，德国人决定，要做好在18个月内开展战争的准备（假想敌是俄国），因此德国陆军进行了大幅扩军。在此情况下，德国人已经无力继续大规模的造舰项目了。
By the end of 1911-12, Tirpitz was less than one ship away from his 3:2 objective - or, if Australia was discounted, he had surpassed it. But it was now clear that Britain would not allow her margin to shrink any further, and in February 1913, before a Reichstag committee, Tirpitz declared his acceptance of the British 16:10 standard. Germany laid down two dreadnoughts in 1912-13, the final König-class battleship and the battlecruiser Lützow; the latter was similar to her predecessor, Derfflinger.
至1911-12年底时，提尔皮茨只差1艘军舰，就能达到他的3比2的数量目标。如果不计入澳大利亚号的话，那么他已经超过了这个目标。但他也很清楚，英国人势必会重新找回优势，因此在1913年2月时，提尔皮茨对议会中的一个委员会表示，他愿意接受英国海军提出的16比10的比例。在1912-13财年时，德国海军建造了2艘主力舰，1艘是国王级战列舰，另1艘是吕佐夫号战列巡洋舰，后者与德尔弗林格号基本相同。
In 1913-14, the last complete programme before the outbreak of war, Germany laid down the authorised three dreadnoughts, the battlecruiser Hindenburg (generally similar to the Lützow) and two Bayern-class battleships, though none was completed in time for Jutland. The battleships mounted eight 15in and fourteen 5.9in guns.
在1913-14财年，即大战爆发前的最后一个年度造舰计划中，德国海军建造了3艘主力舰：1艘是与吕佐夫号基本相同的兴登堡号战列巡洋舰，另外2艘则是配备有8门38cm主炮和14门15cm副炮的巴伐利亚级战列舰，不过这3艘军舰都没赶上参加日德兰海战。
The 1914-15 programme initially comprised the battleship Sachsen (similar to the Bayerns) and the battlecruiser Mackensen; the latter would have been armed with eight 13.8in guns. During the War, three more Mackensens and one more Sachsen were started, but no ship of either class had been completed when the War ended.
1914-15财年的造舰计划，起初包括1艘与巴伐利亚级基本相同的萨克森号战列舰和1艘配备有8门35cm主炮的马肯森级战列巡洋舰。大战爆发后，又额外增加了1艘萨克森号的同型舰，以及3艘马肯森级，但这些军舰均未能在大战结束前完工。
11、截至大战爆发之时，从已建成军舰的数量来看，英国海军并未确立对德六成优势；但至日德兰海战时，英国海军在无畏舰方面的优势，已经非常明显了。根据John Brooks的说法（The Battle of Jutland, P.21-22）：
By the end of 1913-14, the last peacetime programme year, Britain’s margin in authorised dreadnoughts was 62%, though only if both Australia and Malaya were counted. In completed dreadnoughts, the margin, though still falling, was 59% without Australia. On the eve of the declaration of war, each country had commissioned one more battleship, so the global dreadnought ratio was 29:18, a satisfactory British margin of 61%. But three British battlecruisers and one German were stationed in the Mediterranean while Australia remained in the Pacific. Thus the British margins in home waters were 47% for all dreadnoughts, but only 43% for battleships.
截止至1913-14财年，即大战爆发前最后一个造舰计划时，如果计入澳大利亚号和马来亚号，那么以开工数量而论，英国海军在无畏舰数量上具备62%的优势。以建成数量而论，如果不计入澳大利亚号，那么英国海军仍将有59%的优势。至大战爆发前夕时，双方各自又建成了1艘战列舰，因此总体数量对比来到了29比18，英国海军具备61%的优势。但由于英德两国分别有3艘和1艘战列巡洋舰驻扎在地中海地区，而澳大利亚号则驻扎在太平洋地区，因此在本土海域，英国海军的无畏舰数量优势为47%，其中战列舰仅有43%。
As soon as war broke out, Britain seized two battleships that were on the point of being delivered to Turkey; these became the Erin (ten 13.5in guns) and the extraordinary Agincourt (fourteen 12in in seven turrets). A powerful battleship under construction for Chile was also purchased and, as Canada (ten 14in guns), she joined the Fleet in September 1915...By the eve of Jutland, the ratios had increased to 42:22 in dreadnoughts, 32:17 in battleships and 10:5 in battlecruisers. Britain’s dreadnought margin, however calculated, was now potentially overwhelming.
在战争爆发后，英国海军扣押了2艘原本即将要交付给土耳其的战列舰：爱尔兰号和阿金库尔号。前者配备有10门13.5英寸火炮，后者则破天荒地搭载了七座炮塔，并配备有14门12英寸火炮。此外，英国海军还购买了1艘由智利海军订购，当时正在建造的战列舰：加拿大号。该舰配备有10门14英寸火炮，并于1915年9月时加入了大舰队。至日德兰海战前夕，双方的无畏舰数量比是42比22，其中战列舰32比17，战列巡洋舰10比5。此时，无论怎么计算，英国海军都已经拥有了压倒性的数量优势（整体优势是91%，战列舰优势是88%，战列巡洋舰优势是100%）。
12、整体来说，双方的战列舰基本上是旗鼓相当的，但德方的战列巡洋舰，在防护水准方面要显著优于英国的同类军舰。根据John Brooks（The Battle of Jutland, P.24-25）、John Campbell（Jutland: An Analysis of the Fighting, P.17 & P.20-21）以及D. K. Brown（The Grand Fleet: Warship Design and Development 1906-1922, P.188-189）的说法：
Until the Bayern-class battleships, the Germans preferred to mount guns of lesser calibre in their turrets; thus the guns themselves and their shells were lighter, though their muzzle velocities were greater...German dreadnoughts and battlecruisers all carried a secondary armament of 5.9in guns. The Royal Oak, Barham and Iron Duke classes the Tiger, Erin, Canada and Agincourt had 6in, but other British dreadnoughts and battlecruisers had only 4in.
在巴伐利亚级战列舰之前，德国海军都偏好配备较小口径的主炮，因此他们的炮弹重量要轻一些，但初速则要比英国火炮更高一些。在副炮方面，德国海军的无畏舰，都配备有15cm火炮，而英国方面则只有铁公爵级级、伊丽莎白女王级、复仇级、爱尔兰号、阿金库尔号、加拿大号战列舰，以及虎号战列巡洋舰，才配备有6英寸火炮，其余无畏舰则都只配备了4英寸火炮（无畏号配备的是12磅火炮）。
The German guns had a higher muzzle velocity but the lighter shell lost speed more quickly. The RN had a substantial advantage in fire control instrumentation but seemed incapable of capitalising on it, partly because of the use of 9ft base rangefinders and inadequate practice firing at long range.
德国火炮的初速，要比英国火炮更高，但由于其炮弹重量更轻，因此炮弹飞行速度下降的也更快。英国海军在火控系统方面有明显的优势，但却未能将这种纸面优势转化为实际优势，其原因，一方面可能是受到9英尺测距仪的限制，另一方面可能是因为缺乏远距离的射击训练。
For the Revenge and Bayern classes of 1913-14, British and German designs converged on very similar combinations of armament, speed and protection. But, until then, in general German battleships and battlecruisers were better protected than their British counterparts. This is most evident in a comparison of the maximum thicknesses of the main (waterline) belts and in the extent of side armour. German battlecruisers were almost as well armoured as their battleships, whereas the protection of the Invincible and Indefatigable classes was inadequate in thickness and extent while the Lions and Tiger still compared poorly with their German contemporaries. Continuous longitudinal bulkheads were designed into all German dreadnoughts but were omitted in all British battlecruisers and in too many battleships.
在1913-14财年的复仇级和巴伐利亚级上，英德双方在武备、防护、航速这三大性能上，都是旗鼓相当的。但在此之前，德国战列舰和战列巡洋舰的防护水准，一般都要高于同期的英国同类军舰。这一点，在双方的主装甲带厚度及舷侧装甲带的覆盖范围方面，体现得尤为明显。德国战列巡洋舰的防护水准，几乎与他们的战列舰相当。英国海军的无敌级和不倦级战列巡洋舰，在防护方面是较为欠缺的；而狮级与虎号的防护水准，相比于其德国对手，也依然存在一些差距。所有的德国无畏舰，都配备有完整覆盖舰体核心区域的防雷装甲；相比之下，英国方面在这个领域做的就要差很多了。
Other things being equal, the RN surely made the right choice since the chance of the bigger shell penetrating thick armour should have been about the same as that of the smaller shell penetrating thinner armour whilst the big shell would do far more damage when it burst after penetrating. But unfortunately, this was not so: British armour-piercing shells had weak casings which would break at the shoulder on oblique impact, and the Lyddite filling would detonate on hitting thick armour which concealed the fact that the fuse did not always function.
如果排除其他因素的话，那么英国海军选择更大口径的火炮，显然是一个正确的决定，因为口径较大的炮弹击穿较大厚度的装甲的概率，与口径较小的炮弹击沉较小厚度的装甲的概率，是差不多的，但口径较大的炮弹，在击穿装甲后能造成更为严重的破坏。然而，实际情况却并非如此：英国穿甲弹的弹体结构强度存在问题，会在倾斜命中装甲时发生破裂，而其装填的立德炸药则会在击中大厚度装甲时自行爆炸，并且英国穿甲弹所使用的引信，本身也有问题（缺乏延迟机制）。
All British dreadnoughts were powered by turbines. Both the Nassau and Helgoland classes were given reciprocating engines, so that the former were only capable of 19 knots and the latter 20.5 knots. However, the German navy was less conservative in choosing the lighter small-tube boilers, even though their ‘performance dropped off more rapidly with use and they required more frequent cleaning and repair’...The British were, however, further advanced in the use of oil fuel, the Royal Oak and Barham classes burnt oil only, and the other dreadnoughts and battlecruisers coal and oil, while the German ships were coal-fired, with a small amount of tar oil also carried, except in the König and Derfflinger classes where three or four of the boilers burnt oil only.
所有的英国无畏舰，都是由蒸汽轮机驱动的。德国海军的拿骚级和赫尔格兰级战列舰，却是由往复式蒸汽机驱动的，因此最大航速分别只有19节和20.5节。然而，德国海军普遍采用了小水管锅炉，而英国海军的无畏舰则普遍采用大水管锅炉。与后者相比，前者的重量更轻，但需要更多的清理与维修，且其高出力状态仅能维持较短时间。然而，在燃油锅炉的使用上，英国海军则要领先于德国：在日德兰海战的参战主力舰中，复仇级和伊丽莎白女王级，都是全燃油动力的，而其余的战列舰和战列巡洋舰，也都是油煤混烧的。相比之下，德国方面仅有国王级和德尔弗林格级，配备有少量燃油锅炉，其余各舰都是油煤混烧的。
German machinery spaces were more congested. German hull construction was also lighter, while some plating was much lighter. This may have saved weight but it necessitated elaborate scarphing and riveting, which added to both cost and building time.
双方在舰体设计和建造方面，也有一些区别。在德国军舰上，动力设备舱室的布局，要比英国军舰拥挤的多。德国军舰的舰体结构，也要比英国军舰轻量化一些，且部分区域上的钢板用料要比英国标准薄很多。不过，尽管这样能够减轻重量，但却需要搭配复杂的钢板拼接和铆接技术，因此会导致造价提高、工时增加。
结论：在20世纪初时，英国海军的主要对手是法国海军和俄国海军。但由于俄国海军在日俄战争中元气大伤，且在英国海军发起无畏舰革命后，法俄两国迟迟未能跟进，于是在接下来几年里，英国人削减了造舰规模。但另一方面，德国海军则在快速扩张规模，因此至1909年时，英国人发现，德国海军俨然有赶超英国海军的迹象。在此情况下，他们扩大了造舰规模，试图建立对德六成优势。至1912年时，由于德国海军无力再维持先前那般规模的造舰计划，因此在接下来几年里，英国海军的数量优势逐渐扩大了。至日德兰海战时，相比于德国海军，英国海军已经拥有了九成数量优势。
在单舰性能方面，双方的战列舰大体上是棋逢对手的，区别在于英国战列舰更强调火力，而德国战列舰更强调防护。然而，双方的战列巡洋舰则存在较大差异——英国的12英寸战列巡洋舰的防护水准显著低于战列舰，13.5英寸战列巡洋舰尽管防护水准有明显提升，但依然不如同时代的战列舰——作为对比，德国战列巡洋舰的防护水准，几乎都可以与同时代的英国战列舰媲美，因此她们本质上属于快速战列舰。 |
发表于 2020-5-29 17:40
楼主
