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本帖最后由 seven_nana 于 2024-2-6 21:39 编辑
四、俄国军舰在对马海战中的战损情况
接下来，我们再来看一下对马海战的情况。在这场海战中，俄国舰队损失惨重，具体情况如下：
6艘战列舰沉没：奥斯利雅维亚（Ослябя）号、苏沃洛夫亲王（Князь Суворов）号、亚历山大三世（Император Александр III）号、博罗季诺（Бородино）号、纳瓦林（Наварин）号、伟大的西索伊（Сисой Великий）号。
2艘战列舰被俘：鹰（Орёл）号、尼古拉一世（Император Николай I）号。
1艘岸防战列舰沉没：乌沙科夫海军上将（Адмирал Ушаков）号。
2艘岸防战列舰被俘：谢尼亚文海军上将（Адмирал Сенявин）号、阿普拉克辛海军元帅（Генерал-адмирал Апраксин）号。
3艘装甲巡洋舰沉没：纳希莫夫海军上将（Адмирал Нахимов）号、弗拉基米尔·莫诺马赫（Владимир Мономах）号、德米特里·顿斯科伊（Дмитрий Донской）号。
2艘防护巡洋舰沉没：斯维特拉娜（Светлана）号、翡翠（Изумруд）号。
3艘防护巡洋舰逃脱：阿芙乐尔（Авро́ра）号、珍珠（Жемчуг）号、奥列格（Олег）号。
以上合计，参战的8艘战列舰、3艘岸防战列舰、3艘装甲巡洋舰全部沉没或被俘，5艘防护巡洋舰中有2艘沉没、3艘逃脱，几乎可以说是全军覆没。
沉没舰艇的受损情况
根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法，7艘沉没的战列舰和岸防战列舰的受损情况如下（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.168-170）：
The first ship to go down was the Osliabia; she was badly damaged early in the action by the concentrated fire of the Japanese Second Division. One large-caliber shell struck forward near the waterline, causing extensive fooding...The ship was soon listing to port and trimming by the bow; the end came with two shell hits forward in almost the same spot, the first shell opening the way for the second, which destroyed the watertight integrity of the bulkheads in the vicinity of its explosion. The Osliabia staggere out of the battle line and, within sight of the entire feet, lay over on her port side. There she stayed for a few moments, her starboard propeller still turning; then she went down.
最早沉没的，是奥斯利雅维亚号。在战斗爆发后不久，该舰就遭到了日方第二战队（上村分队）的集火攻击。其中，有1发大口径炮弹打在了舰艏水线附近，导致了大量进水，使得该舰很快就发生了侧倾和艏倾。后来，又有2发炮弹先后打在了舰艏区域，并且其命中点非常接近，第2发炮弹沿着第1发炮弹的弹孔钻进了舰体内部，炮弹爆炸使得隔舱的水密性遭到了破坏。受其影响，奥斯利雅维亚号逐渐脱离了战列线，并在整个俄国舰队的注视之下，向左舷方向倾覆了。不过在翻船后，该舰又继续漂浮了一会，其右舷螺旋桨甚至还在继续旋转，过了一阵子才沉入海中。
Meanwhile, Rozhestvenskii's flagship, the Kniaz Suvorov was being pummeled by the concentrated fire of the Japanese First Division. Half an hour after the battle started fires were raging out of control...Hoses were shredded by splinters, making the work of the damage control parties more difficult...A few minutes later the ship fell out of line due to steering gear damage...As had been the case with the Tsesarevich at the Battle of the Yellow Sea, the overhanging roof of the conning tower had defected splinters from nearby shell hits into the tower through the vision slits, wounding those within--Rozhestvenskii among them. Nearby fires forced the evacuation of the conning tower, and the ship had to be steered from the lower fighting position...ever since falling out of line she had wandered erratically through the scene of battle, a target for every passing Japanese ship. By dusk she was a mere wreck...The end finally came at about 1930, when a group of Japanese destroyers came upon her...fired their 14-in torpedoes at close range...Two or three torpedoes hit, and the ship slowly rolled over on her port side, then sank her bows rising high in the air as she went down.
与此同时，罗杰斯特文斯基的旗舰，苏沃洛夫亲王号（位于整个战列线的先导位置），则遭到了日方第一战队（东乡分队）的集火攻击。在战斗开始的半小时后，该舰上的火灾就已经发展到了不受控制的状态——炮弹弹片打坏了消防水管，使得损管队的工作难以开展。几分钟后，由于舵机受损，该舰脱离了战列线。并且，与皇太子号在黄海海战所遭遇的情况类似，炮弹弹片再一次沿着顶盖-观察孔的路径，飞入了装甲司令塔的内部，导致包括罗杰斯特文斯基在内的多人受伤。又由于司令塔附近的火灾难以扑灭，因此这些人无法离开司令塔，这就导致操舵工作不得不交给舰体内部的下层司令塔中的人员来完成。受其影响，该舰在掉队之后，就处于四处乱晃悠的状态，并且成为了每一艘路过的日舰的靶子。至黄昏时分，该舰已经与废墟无异了。最终，在19时30分左右，一群日本驱逐舰发现了该舰，并向其发射了若干枚14英寸鱼雷，其中有2到3枚鱼雷击中了该舰。在此情况下，该舰缓慢地向左舷方向倾覆，随后舰艏高高竖起，最终沉入了海中。
When the Kniaz Suvorov fell out of line, the Imperator Aleksandr III took the lead, and like the flagship she was subjected to the concentrated fire of several Japanese battleships...Immediately after this, the Imperator Aleksandr III was forced to sheer off, turning away from the Japanese line...fallen back toward the rear of the Russian column...After several more hits, the Aleksandr suddenly fell out of line, and rolled over. She floated for a few minutes and, when she sank she took every man of her Crew down with her.
当苏沃洛夫亲王号掉队之后，亚历山大三世号成为了先导舰，于是她也一样遭到了日本战列舰的集火射击。不久之后，该舰就被迫转向脱离了。在接下来的战斗中，该舰逐渐落到了整个俄国战列线的尾端。在日舰的进一步打击下，该舰最终突然掉队，并发生了倾覆。在翻船几分钟后，该舰沉入了海中，且全舰官兵无一幸存。
The Borodino lasted a little while longer. At some point the Borodino had taken over the leading position from the severely wounded Imperator Aleksandr III...Fires were raging aboard her, and not only above decks...She had taken on a 5° list to starboard. But evening was coming on, and Admiral Togo was making ready to withdraw the battle feet so that his torpedo boats would have a clear field of action. As the Japanese turned away, the Fuji fired a parting shot that struck the Borodino below the forward 6-in turret on the starboard side. A tremendous explosion instantly followed, probably in the 6-in magazines. This must have destroyed several watertight bulkheads, leading to the sudden inundation of more compartments on the starboard side. The Borodino rolled over; but apparently another explosion sent the ship swiftly to the bottom.
博罗季诺号，则坚持了更长的时间。在战斗中的某个阶段，该舰从严重受损的亚历山大三世号手中，接过了舰队先导舰的位置。然而，博罗季诺号上也燃起了大火，并且不仅仅是甲板上起火，而是舰体内部也起火了。另外，该舰还出现了5度的右倾。由于此时天色已晚，东乡决定战列舰队脱离战斗，为驱逐舰队的夜袭让出战场空间。在日本舰队转向离开时，富士号在临别之际发射的1枚炮弹，打在了博罗季诺号的舰艏右舷6英寸副炮炮塔下方，随后该舰发生了剧烈的爆炸，可能是6英寸弹药库发生了殉爆事故。这次爆炸显然摧毁了多个水密隔舱，使得海水快速涌入了右舷侧的其他舱室。在此情况下，该舰发生了倾覆。接下来，似乎又出现了一次爆炸，此后该舰很快就沉入了海中。
The Navarin had sustained four major-caliber hits on the waterline...and by 2100 her quarterdeck was awash up to the turret. At this point she was discovered by Japanese torpedo boat and reportedly suffered a torpedo hit forward, but she managed to drive off her attackers...About 0200 on 28 May she was spotted by the Japanese 4th Destroyer Division. The Japanese boats maneuvered ahead of the battleship and laid a string of mines in the path of the unsuspecting ship...One of the mines struck right aft, followed almost immediately by another that struck amidship on the starboard side. The ship listed heavily to starboard; and the ship rapidly capsized and sank.
在白天的战斗中，纳瓦林号已经被4发大口径炮弹击中水线区域。至21时00分时，该舰的舰艉炮塔之后的后甲板区域，都已经沉入了水中。这个时候，该舰被日本雷击舰发现，舰艏区域可能挨了1枚鱼雷，但最终成功打退了这批日舰。至次日02时00分时，该舰又被日本第4驱逐队发现，日舰机动到了该舰前方，并在其航路上敷设了水雷，其中有2枚水雷撞上了该舰并爆炸，导致其大幅右倾，并很快倾覆沉没。
The Sisoi Velikii had received about fourteen hits from shells ranging in caliber from 6 in to 12 in; two hits near the waterline forward had caused serious flooding, giving her a 5-ft trim by the head...She beat off one torpedo boat attack at about 2230, but 45 min later second group of boats managed to score a hit on the starboard side aft, which destroyed the rudder and steering gear. She could still steer with her engines, and slow progress continued...Soon after daylight two Japanese auxiliary cruisers showed up, and Sisoi Velikii was forced to surrender. The auxiliary cruisers tried to take the ship in tow, but by now she was immersed up to her forward turret, and it was soon apparent that the effort was doomed...she went down in a tremendous whirlpool.
伟大的西索伊号，在白天的战斗中被大约14枚6-12英寸口径的炮弹击中，其中有2枚打在了舰艏区域的水线附近，并导致了大量进水，使得该舰的舰艏吃水比舰艉吃水多了5英尺。在22时30分时，该舰击退了一次日本雷击舰的袭击。但在45分种后，另一批日本雷击舰发射的鱼雷，击中了该舰的舰艉右舷区域，导致船舵及舵机被毁。尽管如此，该舰依旧能依靠调整蒸汽机转速来完成转向，并且还能缓慢航行。次日天亮后，有两艘日本辅助巡洋舰发现了该舰，并迫使其投降。日舰试图拖曳该舰，但此时进水程度已经严重到舰艏炮塔之前的前甲板区域全部沉入水中，很快他们就意识到，该舰已经无法挽救了。该舰最终还是沉入了大海，并引发了一个巨大的漩涡。
The Admiral Ushakov had lost contact with the squadron during the night when her waterline damage forced her to reduce speed...The next afternoon the Japanese armored cruiser came upon her...A hot engagement followed, lasting about half an hour; at the end of it the Admiral Ushakov was listing to starboard and had several fires raging aboard. By this point she was probably already in a sinking condition, and the order was given to open the Kingston valves and abandon ship. She rolled over on her starboard side and went down.
乌沙科夫海军上将，在白天的战斗中也遭到了水线区域的损伤，并在入夜之后，与其他俄舰走散了。次日下午，该舰与日本装甲巡洋舰发生遭遇，在一场持续约半小时的炮战之后，该舰燃起了大火，并出现右斜，可能已经处于即将沉没的状态了。在此情况下，俄国人决定打开通海阀并弃舰。该舰最终是向右舷方向倾覆并沉没的。
根据John Campbell的说法，5艘沉没的装甲巡洋舰和防护巡洋舰的受损情况如下（The Battle of Tsu-Shima, Part 3, P.4-7 & Part 4, P.4）：
The Nakhimov is frequently mentioned as a target in Japanese reports but her damage from gunfire does not seem to have been serious. The torpedo hit was too far forward to sink her quickly, and flooded the first three compartments...Nakhimov was taken by a Japanese destroyer and an auxiliary cruiser but her crew had opened the sea-valves and sank at 09.00.
在海战过程中，纳希莫夫海军上将号遭到了多艘日本军舰的攻击，但这些炮火对其造成的伤害并不十分严重。在夜战过程中，该舰还被日方发射的1枚鱼雷击中，但由于中雷位置过于靠前，只有前三个舰体隔舱进水，因此未能在短时间内沉没。天亮之后，该舰被日本驱逐舰和辅助巡洋舰逮住了，但舰员打开了通海阀，最终于09时00分沉入海中。
Vladimir Monomakh...was hit by a torpedo on the starboard side forward...Vladimir Monomakh surrendered, and kept afloat until 14.30 when she sank.
弗拉基米尔·莫诺马赫号，在夜战中被日方发射的1枚鱼雷击中舰体前部右舷处。天亮之后，该舰向日方投降了，一开始仍然能坚持漂浮，但最终还是在14时30分时沉入海中。
Dmitri Donskoi, after engaging Japanese cruisers on the evening of the 28th, was attacked early that night by four Japanese destroyers which fired eight 18inch torpedoes at 350-550 yards, apparently without success; she was abandoned and scuttled soon after daybreak on the 29th.
德米特里·顿斯科伊号，在海战次日的傍晚时分与日本巡洋舰发生了交火。入夜之后，又遭到了日本驱逐舰的攻击，后者在350-550码距离上发射了8枚18英寸鱼雷，但似乎并未取得命中。第三日天亮后不久，该舰自沉了。
Svetlana was sunk on the 28th by the Japanese light cruisers Otowa and Niitaka.
斯维特拉娜号，在海战次日被日方的音羽和新高两艘防护巡洋舰击沉了。
The Izumrud got away when Nebogatov surrendered, but was wrecked on the coast North of Vladivostok.
在涅伯加拖夫下令投降后，翡翠号逃脱了，但最终搁浅在海参崴以北的海岸边了。
被俘舰艇的受损情况
根据John Campbell的说法，4艘被俘的战列舰和岸防战列舰的受损情况如下（The Battle of Tsu-Shima, Part 4, P.1-4）：
Careful examination of the British and German naval attaché’s reports and of many photographs, shows that the Orel was probably hit by five 12inch, two 10inch, nine 8inch, 39-6inch and 21 smaller shells, or fragments, of which two 12inch, five 8inch, 28-6inch and 11 smaller or fragments were on the port side. The damage was generally similar to that of the Port Arthur ships in the Yellow Sea battle. There were many large holes in the unarmoured sides but relatively little damage inboard.
基于对英国和德国海军武官的报告以及许多照片的研究，鹰号的中弹数量可能如下：5发12英寸炮弹、2发10英寸炮弹、9发8英寸炮弹、39发6英寸炮弹、以及21发更小口径的炮弹或弹片造成的伤害（合计76处弹痕）。其中，左舷区域的中弹数量为：2发12英寸、5发8英寸、28发6英寸、以及11发更小口径的炮弹或弹片造成的伤害（合计46处弹痕）。该舰的受损情况，与俄国军舰在黄海海战中的受损情况大体类似，尽管舰体非防护区域产生了许多大尺寸的破洞，但舰体内部受到的损伤并不严重。
When examined the Nikolai was found to have been hit about 10 times...There were only two hits on the Apraxin, one of which on the after turret had badly scored the gun, and the Seniavin was untouched except for splinters.
尼古拉一世号的中弹数量大约为10发；阿普拉克辛海军元帅号仅中弹2发，其中有1发击中了该舰的舰艉主炮塔，并导致火炮受损；谢尼亚文海军上将号则只被弹片擦伤。
根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法，鹰号的命运之所以与其姐妹舰不同，主要是由于遭到的打击力度不同（Aboard Orel at Tsushima, P.19 & P.21）：
As to just how many shells struck Orel, there is no certain answer. Undoubtedly the ship suffered a great deal of damage, but estimates vary wildly as to how many hits she received...Of Kostenko's 42 12in hits, he provides specifics for 29 or 30 (the ambiguity arises because in one instance he says one or two' shells hit simultaneously), while for the 'more than 100' hits of 6in to 10in calibre he enumerates ten 8in and fourteen 6in hits.
鹰号到底被多少炮弹击中？这个问题是没有明确答案的。该舰无疑承受了大量的伤害，但不同的人给出的数据之间存在着很大的差异。科斯坚科（Vladimir Poliektovich Kostenko，他是鹰号上的一名造舰工程师，并参与了对马海战）认为该舰被42发12英寸炮弹击中，并就其中的29发或30发给出了详细的描述（之所以会有这个模棱两可的表述，是因为他表示有1发或2发炮弹接连击中了该舰）；此外他还表示，该舰还被超过100发6英寸到10英寸的炮弹击中，并描述了其中的10发8英寸炮弹和14发6英寸炮弹的命中情况。
The key questions that must be addressed are, why did Orel survive when her three sisters succumbed...What is noteworthy here is that...During the first hour of the battle Orel...as fourth ship in the line, was merely an incidental target, fired upon only when other ships were obscured. Ranges were generally 5,000 metres or less, and this was the only period when the Japanese used 'rapid fire.' It was during this initial hour of battle that Osliabia was mortally wounded, Kniaz Suvorovwas knocked out of the battle for good, and fires were started on Imperator Aleksandr III and Borodino that were never extinguished. In comparison, Orel received only moderate damage, and no serious fires broke out...Thus Orel was spared the worst effects of the first and most intense hour of the battle.
关键的问题在于，为什么鹰号幸存了下来，而她的其余三艘姐妹舰却沉没了？有一个值得关注的细节是，自海战开始后的第一个小时内，由于鹰号是俄国战列线中的四号舰，因此很少成为日舰的射击目标，只有在其他军舰被烟雾遮蔽时，才会遭到日舰攻击。在这一阶段，交战距离大多在5,000码或以下，并且在整场海战中，日方军舰仅在这个阶段使用了快射（不等待校射修正就打出下一轮炮火）。正是在这个阶段，奥斯利雅维亚号遭到了重创（并最终沉入海中），苏沃洛夫亲王号失去了战斗力，亚历山大三世号号和博罗季诺号上则燃起了大火，且此后始终未能扑灭。作为对比，鹰号只受到了中等程度的损伤，也没有发生严重的火灾，因此可以说，在战斗最激烈的这个阶段，该舰逃过了一劫。
鹰号的各处弹痕的详图
此图为日本海军俘获鹰号后绘制的，从图中可以看出，鹰号总共有41处弹痕，其中左舷有26处，右舷有15处。值得注意的是，该舰的水线区域，连1处弹痕都没有。
尼古拉一世号的各处弹痕的详图
此图为日本海军俘获鹰号后绘制的，从图中可以看出，尼古拉一世号总共有12处弹痕。并且，这些弹痕大部分都是皮外伤。
阿普拉克辛海军元帅号的舰艉主炮塔弹痕的详图
此图为日本海军俘获鹰号后绘制的，从图中可以看出，这发炮弹在击中阿普拉克辛海军元帅号的舰艉主炮塔时发生爆炸，并未将7英寸厚度的炮塔装甲击穿，但炮弹破片和爆炸冲击波对附近区域造成了杀伤。
俄国战列舰的防护设计缺陷
根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法，从鹰号的受损情况来看，博罗季诺级战列舰的防护设计，整体来说是好的，但并非毫无缺陷（Aboard Orel at Tsushima, P.19-21）：
The Borodino class ships were put out of action relatively quickly by the Japanese shell fire. Large areas of their unprotected hulls were torn up, turrets jammed, fires started and damage control parties were wiped out by splinters from the many hits. On the other hand, although in some cases the method of attaching the armour plates proved faulty, in general armoured areas resisted shells and explosions well, which explains why the ships were able to stay afloat so long.
日方炮火在比较短的时间内，就使博罗季诺级丧失了战斗力。炮塔被卡住、舰体无防护区域出现大片破损、火灾蔓延、损管队员则遭到了弹片的杀伤。但另一方面，除了暴露出装甲板的连接不够牢固的问题之外，俄舰装甲防护体系，总的来说还是比较好地抵挡住了日本炮弹的攻击的。正因如此，这些军舰并未在短时间内沉没。
A major factor in the disabling of the Russian ships, and the major exception to the generally good performance of armour, was the protection afforded by conning towers. In theory, the heavy (8in) armour of Orel's conning tower should have provided adequate protection against even the heaviest Japanese shell, but in fact the Russian conning towers proved to be of flawed design. At the Battle of the Yellow Sea, the Russian flagship Tsesarevich had veered out of line when splinters flew through the conning tower's vision aperture and disabled everyone inside. The problem arose because the over-hanging roof acted to deflect splinters from nearby shell hits through the conning tower's very wide vision aperture.
另外，尽管俄国军舰的装甲防护水准，整体来说是不错的，但装甲司令塔的情况则是个例外。并且，俄国军舰之所以会在较短时间内丧失战斗力，也与装甲司令塔的设计缺陷存在重大关联。鹰号的司令塔拥有8英寸厚度的装甲，理论上来说是足以抵挡日方大口径炮弹的，但由于存在设计缺陷，因此其实际防御效果很差。在黄海海战中，日方炮弹的弹片，沿着观察孔飞入了俄方旗舰皇太子号的司令塔，导致内部人员或死或伤，并使得该舰陷入了失控状态。之所以会出现这样的状况，原因是司令塔上方的顶盖，起到了反弹弹片的作用，并且司令塔上的观察孔也非常宽大，导致弹片很容易飞进去。
To combat this problem, the ships of the Second Pacific Squadron were fitted with a 1in thick 'collar' around the lower rim of the vision aperture, intended to catch splinters on an upward trajectory before they could reach the roof overhang. But this modification clearly did little to improve matters since at Tsushima splinters repeatedly got into the conning towers of Orel, Kniaz Suvorov and Osliabia. The accounts by survivors of Borodino and Navarin also seem to indicate that some of the command staff were wounded while inside the conning tower...However, despite its bad design, Orel's conning tower did protect the command staff from several direct hits that would otherwise have wiped them out entirely. In conning towers, as in so many other elements of warship design, errors in detail can negate much of the theoretical value of any given feature.
针对这个情况，第二太平洋舰队麾下的各舰，在司令塔观察孔的下沿处安装了1英寸厚度的护板，以阻挡向上反弹的弹片，避免其弹到顶盖上。但这个改造措施显然没有起到什么实质作用，因为在对马海战中，鹰号、苏沃洛夫亲王号、以及奥斯利雅维亚号的司令塔，都曾多次遭到弹片的杀伤。而博罗季诺号和纳瓦林号似乎也遭遇了同样的情况。不过，尽管存在设计缺陷，但在面对直击炮弹时，鹰号的司令塔的确起到了防护作用，因为如果没有装甲的话，那么司令塔内的指挥军官显然会被直接送上天。无论是司令塔也好，还是其他军舰设计的其他领域也罢，细节处的小错误，往往会使得整体设计所具备的理论价值大打折扣。
鹰号的装甲司令塔中弹情况的详图
此图由科斯坚科（Vladimir Poliektovich Kostenko）绘制，图中清晰的画出了弹片飞入司令塔的路径，以及额外加装但并未起到作用的护板。
鹰号的装甲板连接不够牢固的详图
此图同样由科斯坚科（Vladimir Poliektovich Kostenko）绘制，图中清晰的画出了炮弹冲击导致的装甲板连接点脱落的问题（但可能有所夸张）。
左侧为舰艏装甲带，右侧为6英寸副炮炮座。
成功逃脱的舰艇的命运
在对马海战中，阿芙乐尔号、奥列格号、珍珠号这3艘防护巡洋舰，从日军手中逃脱，一起跑到了菲律宾的马尼拉，并被美国当局扣押（菲律宾当时是美国殖民地）。
这3艘军舰的受伤情况，英语资料中似乎并无详细介绍。但有俄语资料（Крейсер «Аврора» и ее «систершипы»: «Диана» и «Паллада», P.143）显示，阿芙乐尔号的中弹数量是18发或21发。
阿芙乐尔号的各处弹痕的详图
从图中可以看出，该舰中弹颇多，其中重灾区是舰体无防护区域和上层建筑。
结论：根据以上描述，我们不难看出，在对马海战中，日方采取了优先打击俄方新锐军舰，且重点打击编队中的领头军舰的战术。在此情况下，俄国海军的战列舰，接二连三地遭到了日方军舰的集火射击，导致俄方的5艘新锐战列舰（奥斯利雅维亚号、以及4艘博罗季诺级）有4艘被日方击沉了，仅剩下鹰号苟延残喘。除了这5艘之外，俄国舰队中的其他战列舰和装甲巡洋舰，则都是老旧的货色，因此在第一天白天的战斗中，没有得到日方火力的重点照顾，但后续也遭到了不少打击。至于防护巡洋舰，至少在第一天的交战中不是日舰的重点打击对象，最终也有3艘幸存。
五、对马海战的胜败原因
最后，我们有必要探讨一个经典的问题——既然在上述的三场海战中，交战对手都是日本联合舰队，那么为何在对马海战中，俄国舰队的损失会如此惨重？
俄舰的超重、超载、以及内倾舰体设计的问题
主流观点认为，俄舰存在超重和超载问题，因此在抗沉性上存在先天和后天的双重不足。除此之外，其内倾舰体设计，也会对抗沉性造成负面影响。又由于当时的海况比较高，因此在舰体受损后，就更容易发生进水。以上这些因素的叠加，是多艘俄舰沉没的核心原因。
俄舰的超重问题
当时的俄国军舰，普遍存在实际排水量大于设计排水量的现象。根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.438-439）：
Admiral S. O. Makarov once sarcastically noted, "when we design a ship of 8,000 tons, we build one of 9,500 tons." He was referring, of course, to the endemic overweight condition of Russian warships. This was a serious problem; it affected a ship' speed and also had a deleterious effect on her protection since narrow armor belts might be entirely submerged at fulload, leaving the ship's waterline protected only by a thinner upper belt.
马卡洛夫中将，曾挖苦地表示：“当我们设计了一艘8,000吨的军舰，实际造出来后就会变成9,500吨”。他所指的，当然就算俄国军舰的普遍性的超重问题。超重不是一件小事，它不光会导致军舰航速下降，还会危害到军舰的防护水准，因为在满载状态下，高度较窄的主装甲带可能会完全没入水中，导致水线区域仅能依靠厚度较薄的上部装甲带保护。
It should be noted, however, that Russian warships were not the only ones to suffer from excess weight. French ships were particularly bad in this regard...Italian ships also seem to have often been overweight...British ships, although less prone to this problem, were far from immune.
然而，我们也需要注意到，超重问题并不是俄国军舰独有的现象。法国军舰在这方面表现得也不好。意大利军舰也经常遇到超重问题。英国军舰的情况会好一些，但也不是完全没有超重问题。
But if overloads of 1,000 tons were an occasional problem for other navies, in the Russian navy this was a modest figure. Among the predreadnoughts the record holder was the Oslabia, which completed at no less than 1,734 tons (13.7 per-cent) overweight. The Sisoi Velikii (1,520 tons, 17.1 percent) were, in terms of per-centage, even worse. On average, the overweight for Russian predreadnoughts amounted to 8.1 percent.
但话又说出来，对于其他国家来说，军舰超重1,000吨，只是偶尔才会出现的情况；然而在俄国海军中，这种程度的超重却只是常规水平。在前无畏舰中，超重程度最严重的是奥斯利雅维亚号，该舰超重了1,734吨，超重比例是13.7%；如果按比例来算的话，伟大的西索伊号的超重程度更为严重，该舰超重了1,520吨，超重比例是17.1%。平均来说，俄国前无畏舰的超重比例是8.1%。
各舰之间在超重问题上的差异与巧合
好巧不巧的是，参与黄海海战的俄国战列舰，超重幅度都不算太严重；而参与对马海战的俄国战列舰，有3艘是在建成之时就严重超重的。
根据Stephen McLaughlin书中的表格，俄国战列舰的舰体超重幅度如下（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.39 & P.65 & P.77 & P.84 & P.107 & P.122 & P.124 & P.129 & P.136）：
黄海海战中的7艘俄国战列舰，在初建成状态下的舰体超重幅度
| 舰名 | 彼得罗巴甫洛夫斯克 | 波尔塔瓦 | 塞瓦斯托波尔 | 佩列斯韦特 | 胜利 | 列特维赞 | 皇太子 | | 设计排水量（吨） | 10,960 | 10,960 | 10,960 | 12,674 | 12,674 | 12,746 | 12,915 | | 实际排水量（吨） | 11,354 | 11,500 | 11,842 | 13,810 | 13,320 | 12,410 | 13,105 | | 超重比例 | 3.59% | 4.93% | 8.05% | 8.96% | 5.10% | -2.64% | 1.47% |
可以看到，2艘佩列斯韦特级明显超重，列特维赞号没有超重，其余4舰则是小幅超重。
对马海战中的8艘俄国战列舰，在初建成状态下的舰体超重幅度
| 舰名 | 尼古拉一世 | 纳瓦林 | 伟大的西索伊 | 奥斯利雅维亚 | 博罗季诺 | 亚历山大三世 | 苏沃洛夫亲王 | 鹰 | | 设计排水量（吨） | 8,440 | 9,476 | 8,880 | 12,674 | 13,516 | 13,516 | 13,516 | 13,516 | | 实际排水量（吨） | 9,594 | 10,206 | 10,400 | 14,408 | 14,091 | 14,181 | 不明 | 14,151 | | 超重比例 | 13.67% | 7.70% | 17.12% | 13.68% | 4.25% | 4.92% | - | 4.70% |
可以看到，4艘博罗季诺级是小幅超重，其余4舰的超重幅度则都比较严重。两相对比之下，我们不难发现，参与对马海战的8艘俄国战列舰，超重幅度要高于参与黄海海战的7艘俄国战列舰。
超重问题对装甲防护水准的影响
如前所述，超重会导致装甲带潜水，根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.80 & P.114）：
Sisoi Velikii as completed sat 3 ft 6 in deeper in the water than designed, but her belt, as designed, was supposed to extend 3 ft 2 in above the waterline--in other words, the upper edge of her belt was apparently 4 in below the waterline as completed. Thus the 5-in upper belt would have been her only waterline protection.
在建成状态下，伟大的西索伊号的吃水幅度，要比设计值多出了3英尺6英寸。由于在设计状态下，该舰的主装甲带在水线以上的高度应该有3英尺2英寸，因此在建成状态下，其主装甲带上沿是在水线以下4英寸处的。换句话说，该舰仅能依靠5英寸厚的上部装甲带来保护水线区域。
The waterline protection of these ships was seriously compromised by their overweight condition. At the design displacement, 36 in of main belt armor should have been above the waterline, but for every additional 52 tons of weight, the ships were immersed another inch. In the Peresvet the increase in draft was almost 22 in, leaving only 14 in of main belt armor above the water. The situation was even worse in the Osliabia, with an excess draft of 33 in, leaving only 3 in of belt above water. The Pobeda was less seriously affected than her sisters, with an excess draft of only about 12in, leaving 24 in of belt above water. But these figures apply to design loads; with a full load of coal aboard, the ships would sit almost 20 in deeper in the water, completely submerging the belt in all but the Pobeda. Thus at some conditions of loading the 4-in upper belt was the only waterline protection.
由于佩列斯韦特级的超重幅度普遍较大，因此其水线区域的防护水准是大幅下滑的。在设计状态下，该级的主装甲带在水线以上的高度应该有36英寸。另一方面，每增加52吨重量，其吃水就会增加1英寸。佩列斯韦特号的实际吃水，比设计值多出了接近22英寸，因此其主装甲带只有14英寸位于水线以上。奥斯利雅维亚号的情况更糟糕，由于其吃水超标了33英寸，所以主装甲带只有3英寸位于水线以上。胜利号的情况要比其姐妹舰好不少，因为其吃水超标只有12英寸，所以主装甲带有24英寸位于水线以上。然而，以上这些都是常备排水量下的数据，但在满载排水量下，其吃水会增加近20英寸，所以除了胜利号以外，其余2舰的主装甲带都会完全没入水线以下。在此情况下，她们只能依靠4英寸厚度的上部装甲带来保护水线区域。
超重问题对舰体稳定性的影响
另一方面，舰体本身的超重问题，对舰体稳定性带来的影响并不大。根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.124 & P.30-131 P.140 & & P.439）：
Despite problems with weight control, Russian ships usually completed with adequate initial stability--overall, the figures for Russian predreadnoughts are comparable to those of British ships. This seeming paradox is explained by the fact that in most cases the excess weight was concentrated low in the ship.
尽管俄国战列舰存在超重问题，但至少在新建状态下，她们的稳定性是足够的。总的来说，俄国前无畏舰的稳心高度与同时代的英国战列舰是在一个水平上的。这个结果看起来是自相矛盾的，但实际上并不难解释，因为超重的部分大部分都集中在舰体内部的下层区域。
Boridino class...The overweight condition of the ships at normal load did not affect their stability unduly--instead of the design figure of 4.13 ft (1.26 m) at a normal load displacement of 13,516 tons, the Borodino at 14,091 tons had a metacentric height of 3.74 ft (1.14 m), while the lmperator Aleksandr III at normal load was 14,181 tons and had a metacentric height of 4 ft (1.22 m).
尽管博罗季诺级存在超重问题，但在常备排水量下，她们的稳定性并没有什么大问题。该级的设计常备排水量是13,516吨，对应的稳心高度是4.13英尺（1.26米）。作为对比，博罗季诺号的实际常备排水量是14,091吨，对应的稳心高度是3.74英尺（1.14米）；而亚历山大三世的实际常备排水量是14,181吨，对应的稳心高度是4英尺（1.22米）。
俄舰的超载问题
为了完成从波罗的海到日本海的18,000海里的远征，俄国第二和第三太平洋舰队的军舰普遍都搭载了超量的煤炭、淡水、给养等物资，这就导致了那些原本超重并不严重的军舰，也变得大幅超重了。
在超重和超载的双重影响下，俄国战列舰的储备浮力保护和舰体稳定性都大幅下降了，这会导致其更容易进水、更容易倾覆。
根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Aboard Orel at Tsushima, P.3-4 & P.16）：
The ship's design normal displacement was 13,516 tons, but as completed she displaced 14,151 tons...Overloads on this scale, amounting to less than 5% of the ship's design displacement, were quite normal in Russian shipbuilding and should not have represented a particular danger to the ship's stability. But the additional supplies crammed into the ship for the long voyage...for a total of 1,150 tons. Added to the constructional overweight, the total overload was 1,785 tons. Much of this excess weight was stowed relatively high in the ship, raising the centre of gravity and so reducing the ship's stability...The ship's draught...28ft 10in, which was 2ft 10in greater than designed, giving a displacement of 15,300 tons...a calculation of the metacentric height turned out to be 2.75ft, compared to the design figure of 4.13ft.
鹰号的设计常备排水量是13,516吨，但在建成之时，该舰的实际常备排水量为14,151吨（即超重635吨），换句话说，超重幅度还不到设计排水量的5%。在俄国造舰领域里，这种幅度的超重是很正常的，并且也不会对军舰的稳定性造成明显的危害。然而，为了满足远航的需求，该舰还额外携带了许多物资，总重量达到了1,150吨，再加上舰体本身的超重，累计达到了1,785吨。又由于这些额外增加的重量，有很多都装载在舰体内位置较高的地方，因此抬高了军舰的重心，并降低了军舰的稳定性。当时，该舰的排水量达到了15,300吨，吃水达到了28英尺10英寸，比设计值多出了2英尺10英寸。在此情况下，根据计算，该舰的稳心高度，从设计值的4.13英尺，降低到了2.75英尺。
Kostenko estimated that the expenditure of ammunition and coal during the daylight battle had lightened the ship by about 800 tons...her freeboard had been increased by about 16 inches. Her armour belt remained unpierced, giving her a protected freeboard of about 5 to 5.5ft. If she heeled more than 10°, the holes in her side would be immersed and her stability would quickly vanish.
在对马海战的白天的战斗结束后，据估计，鹰号消耗了大约800吨的弹药和煤炭，因此其干舷升高了大约16英寸。该舰的装甲带本身并未被击穿，水线以上的装甲带高度则大约有5到5.5英尺（换句话说，战斗开始时，水线以上的装甲带高度只有3.75到4.25英尺）。在此情况下，如果横摇幅度超过10度的话，海水就涌入装甲带上方的舰体破洞，导致其舰体稳定性进一步下降。
根据John Campbell的说法（The Battle of Tsu-Shima, Part 4, P.1 & P.3）：
Borodino class...At times during the voyage they were overloaded with coal to an extent which impaired their stability...An officer's diary found in the Orel records that on 9 March, 1905 the Orel displaced 16800 tons with 2450 tons of coal aboard and her draught was 32ft6in aft....but it is quite certain that at Tsushima the Orel was not loaded to the extent quoted above. When she arrived at Maizuru in Japan, her draught was 27ft6in fore and 29ft4in aft. Some water had undoubtedly come aboard since the beginning of the battle, and coal and ammunition had been used, so that there will be no very great error in taking the Orel's mean draught at Tsushima as 28½ft-29ft...and would give a displacement of over 15,000 tons and a metacentric height of 2½ft, This last figure was quite inadequate for the actual armour protection at 28½ft-29ft mean draught. At this loading the 7inch belt would be submerged by 12-18in amidships, and the upper edge of the 6inch upper belt at main deck level, would be only 3½-4ft above water in a calm, and well immersed at intervals in the rough seas of the Tsushima battle.
在俄国舰队的远航途中，博罗季诺级超额搭载了大量的煤炭，导致稳定性大幅下降。鹰号上找到的一份军官日记显示，在1905年3月9日时，该舰搭载有2,450吨煤炭，排水量达到16,800吨，吃水则达到32.5英尺。但至对马海战时，鹰号的装载情况显然没有那么严重。该舰在被日本海军俘获，抵达舞鹤港时的吃水是舰艏27.5英尺、舰艉29.33英尺。考虑到该舰在海战中必然会因为受损而进水，同时又消耗了一些煤炭和弹药，因此我们可以估计出，该舰在对马海战时的吃水大约在28.5英尺至29英尺之间，对应的排水量则是15,000吨以上，稳心高度则约为2.5英尺。在这个吃水幅度下，该舰的主装甲带（194mm厚度）将完全沉没在水下，且主装甲带的上沿，距离水线都有1-1.5英尺距离。而上部装甲带（152mm厚度）露在水线以上的部分，也仅有3.5-4英尺高度。换句话说，在对马海战的高海况下，连上部装甲带都会时不时得完全浸入水下。这样不堪的实际防护水平，再加上如此小的稳心高度，显然是很不利的。
The precise loading of the Osliabia is not known, but her metacentric height did not much exceed 2½ft.
奥斯利雅维亚号的具体装载程度不明，但其稳心高度大概也就是2.5英尺出头的水平了。
内倾舰体带来的负面影响
在导致俄国军舰沉没的因素中，除了超重和超载之外，还有一项经常被提及，那就是俄国军舰的内倾舰体设计。
根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Russian and Soviet Battleships, P.448）：
Western writers have often emphasized the unfortunate effect of “French” infuence--and in particular tumblehome--of Russian battleship design in this periods. There can be no doubt that the extreme form of tumblehome used in French battleships up to about 1900 was potentially very dangerous; the inward curve of the hull sides reduced both a ship's range of stability and its reserve of buoyancy, increasing the chances of capsizing in the event of damage. Tumblehome also had the potential to reduce the number of survivors from a sinking ship, since it led to more rapid capsizing, giving men below decks far less time to escape.
西方国家的作者，经常强调法国设计，尤其是内倾舰体设计，对那个时代的俄国战列舰带来的负面影响。毫无疑问，19世纪末的法国战列舰所使用的非常明显的内倾舰体设计，是非常危险的。因为这种设计会导致舰体稳定性下降、储备浮力降低，使得军舰在受损后更容易发生倾覆。另外，因为内倾设计的倾覆速度更快，所以留给舰体内部的人员的逃生时间会比较短，这就导致这类军舰沉没后，幸存人员往往也比较少。
But for all that the effects of tumblehome on both Russian ship design and Russian losses at Tsushima have been exaggerated...Poltava and Peresvet classes...Neither featured the steep inward curve of French ships; this feature was adopted only with the Tsesarevich and in the Borodino class based on her. And even in these ships it is by no means clear that tumblehome had a decisive effect on their survivability during the Russo-Japanese War.
但是，内倾设计对俄国军舰的影响，以及其在对马海战战败原因中的重要性，被人们高估了。彼得罗巴甫洛夫斯克级和佩列斯韦特级的舰体内倾程度，并没有法国军舰那样夸张。只有皇太子号和博罗季诺级，采用了非常明显的内倾舰体。即便如此，内倾舰体设计也未必会对她们的生存能力，产生决定性的影响。
根据D. K. Brown的说法（The Russo-Japanese War: Technical Lessons as Perceived by the Royal Navy, P.6）：
The centre of gravity was high in the Russian ships of French style, with towering sides, and a satisfactory intact metacentric height was obtained by inceasing the beam. Much of the benefit of beam is lost when extensive flooding occurs and it is virtually certain that the stability of these ships after damage was very poor. The centre line bulkhead in the machinery spaces would lead to large heeling moments whilst the righting moment would be seriously reduced if hits had made the upperworks non-watertight and the tumblehome would further reduce the righting moment. It was a combination of a high centre of gravity, asymetric flooding and reduced righting moment which led to capsize, though in the case of Alexander III and Osliabia, flooding of the lightly protected ends was a contributory factor.
法式设计的俄国军舰，上层建筑群都比较大，因此重心也偏高。在此情况下，为了获得足够的稳心高度，这些军舰就采取了增加舰宽的方式。然而，在出现进水后，舰宽带来的好处就会大幅度丧失（因为这些军舰是内倾舰体设计，水线处很宽、水线以上收窄）。我们基本可以断定，在受到损伤之后，这些军舰的稳定性会变得很差。另一方面，动力舱段的中央防水纵舱壁，会导致军舰的侧倾力矩变大（因为会导致非对称进水）；舰体上部的非水密舱室受损后，又会导致军舰的复原力矩变小；而内倾的船型，又会使得复原力矩进一步变小。高重心设计、非对称进水、以及复原力矩变小，共同导致了俄国军舰的沉没。另外，奥斯利雅维亚号和亚历山大三世号，还受到了防护水准较差的舰艏区域进水的影响。
大口径火炮制胜论 vs 中口径火炮洗甲板论
另一方面，从甲弹对抗的角度出发，海军界对此战胜败原因的解读，存在着两个经典但互为悖论的观点：即大口径火炮制胜论和中口径火炮洗甲板论。
大口径火炮制胜论
在英美历史学界，最主流的观点，是大口径火炮制胜论。根据John Campbell的说法（The Battle of Tsu-Shima, Part 4, P.3-5）：
From damage sustained by the Orel, it has often been held that very many hits were made on her three sister ships which were sunk, and which are mentioned more frequently in accounts of the battle, as being scored by the Japanese. With regard to this last point, for much of the time many of the Japanese targets were not identifiable with any certainty, and in considering the number of hits on the sunken ships it must be noted that the Japanese expenditure of heavy shells was not very great. In the battle of 27 May, including the few rounds fired against Nebogatov on the 28th, Togo's division fired: 446-12inch, 50-10inch, 284-8inch. This is considerably less than his division fired at the Yellow Sea: 603-12inch, 33-10inch, 307-8inch. Similarly, omitting the action with the Ushakov on the afternoon of the 28th, Kamimura's six armoured cruisers fired 915-8inch at Tsushima, while the four with him at Ulsan expended 958.
基于鹰号的受损情况，很多人都推断，该舰的其余3艘沉没了的姐妹舰，都被非常多的炮弹击中。并且，有很多有关这场海战的记述中，都有提及日本军舰对这3艘军舰进行了集火射击。然而，在海战中的绝大部分时间里，日方各艘军舰的射击目标是缺乏明确判断依据的。另一方面，考虑到日方在此战中的大口径炮弹消耗量并不大，因此击中这些沉没俄舰的炮弹数量也不会太多。举例来说，在对马海战中，东乡分队（4艘战列舰、2艘装甲巡洋舰）总共发射了446发12英寸炮弹、50发10英寸炮弹、284发8英寸炮弹（这里面还包含了第二天的战斗中，对涅伯加拖夫分队所发射的炮弹）；作为对比，东乡分队（同样是4艘战列舰、2艘装甲巡洋舰）在黄海海战时总共发射了603发12英寸炮弹、33发10英寸炮弹、307发8英寸炮弹，显然后者要比前者更多。与之类似的情况是，排除在第二天的战斗中对乌沙科夫海军上将号发射的炮弹后，上村分队（6艘装甲巡洋舰）总共发射了915发8英寸炮弹；作为对比，在蔚山海战时，上村分队的4艘装甲巡洋舰总共发射了958发8英寸炮弹。
It is probable that Japanese gun-laying had further improved by the date of Tsushima but conditions of sea and visibility were not at all good as compared with those at the Yellow Sea, and although ranges were never as long as in the earlier part of the Yellow Sea battle, they were seldom less than the closest attained in the later period of that battle, except against the damaged Suvarov. Conditions at Ulsan too were better than at Tsushima, and for a considerable time the ranges were not widely different. The supposition that very many hits with heavy shells were made on all the three Borodino class that were sunk, leads to an improbably high percentage of hits. It is not believed that this figure exceeded 10 per cent for the 12inch and appreciably less for the 8inch, which would give 45-12inch hits.
至对马海战时，日方的操炮技术有可能比黄海海战时更精进了，但对马海战时的海况和能见度是不如黄海海战的。另外，尽管黄海海战第一阶段时的交战距离很远，但第二阶段时却有过非常近距离的交战；而在对马海战中，除了有对受伤的苏沃洛夫亲王号进行近距离射击外，其余时刻的交战距离都要更远（距离越近越容易取得命中）。而蔚山海战时的交战环境，同样也比对马海战时更好，且在蔚山海战中，大部分时候交战距离都是变化不大的（也就是说距离变化率比较小，更容易取得命中）。如果3艘沉没的博罗季诺级被非常多的大口径炮弹击中的假设成立的话，那就意味着日方火炮的命中率会变得非常的高。然而，12英寸火炮的命中率不太可能高于10%，而8英寸火炮的则会更低，换句话说，12英寸炮弹的命中数不会超过45发。
The number of rounds of 6inch and 3inch fired at Tsushima were: 5748-6inch, 4046-3inch by Toga's division. 3716-6inch (excluding action against the Ushakov), 3480 3inch by Kamimura's division. These figures are greater than those in the previous battles (Togo's division at Yellow Sea: 3592-6inch, 2142-3inch; Kamimura's four armoured cruisers at Ulsan 3667-6inch, 2327-3inch) but all damage reports on surviving Russian and on Japanese ships in this war indicate that the effect of 6inch shells was not important and that of 3inch usually negligible.
至于6英寸及12磅炮弹的发射数量，的确是对马海战更高：东乡分队（4艘战列舰、2艘装甲巡洋舰）总共发射了5,748发6英寸炮弹和4,046发12磅炮弹，而在排除了对乌沙科夫海军上将号发射的炮弹后，上村分队（6艘装甲巡洋舰）则发射了3,716发6英寸炮弹和3,480发12磅炮弹；作为对比，东乡分队（同样是4艘战列舰、2艘装甲巡洋舰）在黄海海战中总共发射了3,593发6英寸炮弹和2,142发12磅炮弹，上村分队的4艘装甲巡洋舰在蔚山海战中则总共发射了3,667发6英寸炮弹和2,327发3英寸炮弹。不过，幸存俄舰及日舰在这场战争中的各类受损报告都表明，6英寸炮弹的毁伤效果不重要，而12磅炮弹的则基本可以忽略不计。
The Borodino was sunk as the result of a magazine explosion, which was preceded by serious ammunition fires. Although a good many hits had been made on her, there' is no need to suppose that the number from heavy shells exceeded that on the Orel...The Alexander was reported as being badly on fire, but there is no mention of ammunition fires. Her bows were very much damaged and a hole on the port side forward was said by one witness to be 20ft across. Continued flooding from these injuries forward, which would be difficult to stop in the rough seas of Tsushima, combined with flooding on the main deck from holes above the belt or damaged gun-ports, could soon reduce her stability to vanishing point...Two 12inch HE shells striking at nearly the same place would be capable of producing a hole large enough to be described as 20ft across in the unarmoured side plating. It is thus easy to see how a limited number of 12inch shells striking on or near the waterline forward could have led to the Alexander capsizing and again there is no need to assume a number of heavy hits in excess of those on the Orel...The Suvarov which was eneaged at short range by both Togo's and Kamimura's divisions during the battle, doubtless had considerably more hits from heavy shells than her three sister-ships...Although her fighting value was entirely destroyed by gunfire, this does not seem to have had a very great effect on her ability to stay afloat, and the sinking of the Suvarov was due to torpedoes.
博罗季诺号是由于弹药库殉爆而沉没的，并且在爆炸发生前，经历了严重的弹药起火事故。该舰无疑挨了不少炮弹，但具体数字想必不会超过鹰号。亚历山大三世号据称遭到了严重的火灾，但似乎并未出现弹药起火事故，然而该舰的舰艏区域受损很严重，据目击者称其左舷舰艏有一个20英尺的破洞。在对马海战时的高海况下，这些破损是难以被修补的，因此舰艏区域的持续进水，再加上从主装甲带以上区域的舰体破孔、还有从受损的炮廓处涌入舰体内部的海水，很快就会使该舰的稳定性雪上加霜。对于无防护的舰体区域来说，2发命中点靠近的12英寸高爆弹，就足以产生20英尺的破洞，因此在考虑到这个情况之后，我们就不难理解，只需要有少数几发12英寸炮弹打在舰艏水线区域附近，就足以导致该舰倾覆沉没。也正因如此，该舰的中弹数量想必也不会超过鹰号。至于苏沃洛夫亲王号，则遭到了东乡分队和上村分队的近距离射击，因此挨的炮弹无疑要比其余3艘同级舰多很多。尽管这些炮火彻底摧毁了该舰的反抗能力，但似乎并不足以导致该舰沉没。该舰最终是被鱼雷击沉的。
Oslabia...There was no vertical armour for the first 55-60ft forward, where protection was provided by the armour deck and for a further 60ft the belt did not extend far above the waterline...The shell that hit forward caused flooding of a compartment under the fore-turret, the foremost 6inch shell-room, fore torpedo-flat and dynamo-room. Stopping the leaks was impossible in the rough seas...The shell that pierced the side armour went into the coal bunker and caused the flood of a magazine. The effect of these and other hits soon produced a great enough list for water to enter holes above the armour and the ports in the unarmoured 3inch battery, and within an hour from the start of the battle the Oslabia went down.
至于奥斯利雅维亚号，该舰的舰艏部位有大约55-60英尺的区域，是只有防护甲板，而没有舷侧装甲的。而再往后的大约60英尺的区域，装甲带的高度也仅仅是略超过水线。有1发炮弹在击中舰艏区域，导致前主炮塔的下方舱室、舰艏6英寸炮弹库、舰艏鱼雷发射舱、以及发电机舱进水。而在当时的高海况下，又无法堵住缺口阻止进水。还有1发炮弹在击穿了舷侧装甲带后穿入了煤仓，并导致俄方选择对弹药库进行注水（以避免火灾蔓延导致殉爆）。再加上其他一些炮弹的作用，导致该舰出现严重的侧倾，进而又导致大量海水从装甲带上方的破孔及75mm火炮的开孔处涌入舰体内部，最终导致该舰在开战后不到1小时内，就沉入海中。
中口径火炮洗甲板论
另一种常见的观点，则是中口径火炮洗甲板论。根据Stephen McLaughlin的说法（Aboard Orel at Tsushima, P.22-23）：
Campbell stated that 'all damage reports on surviving Russian and Japanese ships...indicate that the effect of 6inch shell was not important', but is this in fact the case? There were certainly some Japanese officers who would have disagreed with this, among them Commander Abo Kiyokazu, Mikasa's gunnery officer at Tsushima. After the war he gave lectures in England in which he 'argued that most of the damage had been done at Tsushima by smaller shells.' Orel's experience supports his contention, since it indicates that even the rather light 'hail' of smaller shells that hit her caused important damage: unarmoured areas of the hull were torn up, guns put out of action and many fires were started...Yet unlike those aboard her sisters, Orel's fires never got out of hand...It seems likely that the main reason was that Orel was never subiected to the close range barrage of shells of all calibres that her sisters received.
约翰·坎贝尔在其著作中表示：“日俄双方军舰的各类受损报告都表明，6英寸炮弹的毁伤效果不重要”。但事实果真如此吗？显然有一部分日本海军军官，是不认可这种观点的，其中就包括对马海战时的三笠号炮术长，安保清種少佐（最终官阶为大将）。后来，他在英国（作为驻外武官）发言称：“对马海战中的军舰损伤，大部分都是由中小口径炮弹导致的”。鹰号的经历可以支撑他的这种观点，因为这些炮弹击中该舰后，造成了重要的破坏，包括：舰体无防护区域破损、火炮被破坏、引发多起火灾。但与其余几艘姐妹舰不同的是，鹰号的火情始终没有失控，其主要原因，似乎是鹰号并未像其余三舰那样，在近距离上遭到各种不同口径火炮的大量轰击。
Hindering fire-fighting efforts has been described as 'the main contribution of the smaller guns'. But the medium calibre guns may have made another important contribution to the Japanese victory. As already noted, the poor design of the Russian conning towers allowed - indeed facilitated - the entry of splinters. This not only exposed the command staff to injuries that might impair judgment and confuse the direction of the ship in battle, but it also undermined the offensive power of the Russian ships by knocking out the centralised fire-control system. Orel's rangefinder and the Geisler range-and-order indicators were wrecked after about an hour of fighting...it seems very likely that several of her heavier hit sister ships had lost their fire-control gear even earlier in the battle...With centralised control knocked out, the individual gunners had to estimate their own ranges and spot their own fall of shot under very difficult conditions of visibility.
一般认为，中小口径火炮的主要作用是干扰对方的灭火工作。但此类火炮可能还起到了一个很重要的作用，并最终成就了日方的胜利——如前所述，俄国装甲司令塔的设计存在缺陷，容易导致炮弹弹片飞入司令塔内部。这不仅仅会对指挥人员造成杀伤，使得军舰指挥体系陷入混乱，并且还能破坏中央火控设备，进而影响到俄国军舰的火力发挥。在战斗开始大约1小时后，鹰号的测距仪和火控信息发送设备就被摧毁了。至于其他几艘遭到了更多攻击的姐妹舰，其火控设备很可能在更早的时候就被摧毁了。在中央火控体系被毁后，炮手们只能在能见度很差的环境下，自行估计距离，并自行观察炮弹落点。
There were of course limits to what the medium-calibre guns could accomplish; in themselves, they were not capable of sinking battleships, but they could cripple them by shredding the unarmoured portions of their hull, blinding their fire control, starting fires and killing damage-control parties.
中口径火炮所能造成的杀伤，当然是有限的，毕竟单靠这类火炮，并不足以击沉战列舰。但中口径火炮可以通过破坏舰体无防护区域、摧毁火控设备、引发火灾、杀伤损管队员等方式，使战列舰失去战斗力。
补充说明：日方的弹药选择
在第一章 - 日俄双方的炮弹中，我们提到过：在对马海战中，锻钢榴弹（本质上是半穿甲弹）的发射量要远大于穿甲榴弹，但在黄海海战和蔚山海战中，穿甲榴弹的发射量则比较高。考虑到这些穿甲榴弹实际并不能有效击穿装甲，但爆炸威力又不如锻钢榴弹，因此使用锻钢榴弹显然能造成更大程度的杀伤。无论是大口径火炮还是中口径火炮，都会受益于这种更具杀伤力的弹药。
结论：在黄海海战中，俄国战列舰尽管伤痕累累，但毕竟全员幸存，而在对马海战中，俄国战列舰却损失惨重，为何会有这样的差异？结合上文中罗列的证据和观点，核心原因可以归纳为以下几方面：
天气因素：对马海战当天的海况更为恶劣，因此俄舰受损后更容易进水，并且也更难完成堵漏和排水。
日方弹药因素：日舰在对马海战中发射了更多的中口径炮弹，且更多地使用了高爆弹。受其影响，俄舰的非防护区域损伤和火灾会更为严重，并且会更快地失去中央火控能力和损管能力。
俄舰自身因素：舰体本身超重和搭载物资超载，使得装甲带潜水、舰体稳定性下降，导致俄舰更容易进水、更容易倾覆沉没。另外，博罗季诺级采用的内倾舰体设计，也会导致军舰更容易倾覆。
运气因素：有部分俄舰的舰艏区域被多发炮弹击中，导致了严重的进水。这种非对称式的进水，更容易导致军舰沉没。
另外，在黄海海战中已经出现过的装甲支撑结构受损、装甲司令塔设计缺陷问题，在对马海战中同样暴露了出来，前者会加剧进水，后者则会使俄舰更快丧失指挥和火控能力。
神教认为，俄舰之所以会在对马海战中损失惨重，从技术层面来说，主要就是由以上所列出的因素导致的。
神教点评
基于以上信息，我们可以归纳出以下几个论点：
一、俄国战列舰的防护设计，与同时代的日本战列舰并没有显著差异。
二、俄国装甲巡洋舰的防护设计，大多逊色于日本装甲巡洋舰，但考虑到俄舰大多比较老旧，而日舰的舰龄都比较短，因此有这样的差异也可以理解。
三、俄国防护巡洋舰的防护设计，整体来说是逊色于日本防护巡洋舰的。
四、在黄海海战中，俄国海军的10艘军舰总共中弹155发，其中6艘战列舰总共中弹140发；在蔚山海战中，幸存的2艘军舰总共中弹51发；在对马海战中，被日方俘虏的4艘军舰总共中弹54发。
五、从实战案例来看，日本炮弹的穿透能力确实不强，但由于炸药装填量确实较大，因此对非防护区域的破坏能力还是很强的。
六、从黄海海战、蔚山海战、以及对马海战的情况来看，在水线装甲带没有被击穿或很少被击穿的情况下，俄国战列舰和装甲巡洋舰，即便被同级别日本军舰发射的炮弹击中20-30发，也未必会被击沉。
七、从黄海海战和对马海战的情况来看，俄国防护巡洋舰，即便被同级别日本军舰发射的炮弹击中10-20发，也未必会被击沉。
八、俄国海军之所以会在对马海战中损伤惨重，是天气、运气、日方弹药选择、俄舰自身缺陷、俄舰搭载过量物资等多重因素共同影响下产生的结果。 |
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发表于 2023-8-19 11:04
发表于 2025-2-8 16:02